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stand by him; and the same was done by General royalty, by the hot war they waged against the Monk and his officers in Scotland.' But Richard protector. The disguised royalists, of course, Cromwell was no soldier, and destitute of high joined the republicans. An act of recognition commanding powers of any kind. He had lived was, however, passed, and a revenue was settled a quiet retired life, as far as possible away from for the new protector. Then a fierce attack was the turmoil of government and the bustle of the made upon "the other house," and upon the late camp, and he was almost a stranger to that sol- administration of Oliver, whose best ministers diery which his father had known personally were singled out for impeachment. But the almost to a man, and over which, by a rare com- army soon stayed these proceedings, by joining bination of qualities-by a mixture of unflinch- with the ultra-republican section. Under General ing firmness in essentials and good nature in Lambert, a council of officers was called and minor points, by devotion and by an easy fami- established, and they voted that the command of liarity which condescended to drollery-he had the army should be put into better hands, and exercised an almost magical influence. The pay- that every officer should declare his approval of ment of the troops, too, was somewhat in arrears, the conduct of the army and the proceedings and Richard found the coffers of the state almost against the late Charles Stuart, or resign his empty. From these and other circumstances, commission. The commons declared such meetwhich may be easily conceived, the military pre-ings and councils illegal. On this the Lambersently betrayed symptoms of discontent. His brother-in-law, Fleetwood, a good soldier, a favourite with the army, but a weak man in other respects, as well as ambitious and imprudent, became jealous of the new protector, who had nominated him to be, under himself, commanderin-chief of the land forces. Fleetwood secretly encouraged a strange petition, which was drawn up and presented, requiring the protector, in effect, to give up his control over the army. Richard replied that he had given the command of the forces to Fleetwood, who seemed generally acceptable to them; but that to gratify them further, or wholly to give up the power of the sword, was contrary to the constitution, which lodged that power in the hands of the protector and parliament jointly. By the advice of Thurloe, St. John, Fiennes, and others, Richard resolved to assemble the representatives of the people, and the members of "the other house."

The new parliament met on the A.D. 1659. 27th of January. The other house was the same despised nullity as before. Scarcely half of the members of the commons would obey the summons of Richard to meet him in that "other house," at the opening of the session. Without loss of time, the commons attacked his right to be lord-protector, aud nearly every part of the present constitution, clamouring against the inexpediency and peril of allowing "the other house" to exist. Some of Richard's family and nearest connections joined in this outery, some out of personal ambition or pique, some out of sheer republicanism. The republicans were invigorated by the return of Sir Harry Vane, Ludlow, and Bradshaw, who facilitated the manœuvres of General Monk, and the return of 1 Whitelock; Thurloe.

tians drew up a representation to Richard, setting forth their want of pay, the insolence of their enemies, and their designs, together with some in power, to ruin the army and the good old cause, and to bring in the enemies thereof, to prevent which they desired his highness to provide effectual remedy. "This," says Whitelock, "was the beginning of Richard's fall, and set on foot by his own relations." The parliament took no course to provide money, but exasperated the army, and all the members of "the other house." And hereupon the army compelled Richard to dissolve the parliament on the 22d of April.

On the 6th of May, Lambert, Fleetwood, Desborough, and the general council of officers, keeping the promises they had made to the ultrarepublicans, published a declaration, inviting the members of the Long Parliament or Rump, who had continued sitting till Oliver's forcible ejectment of the 20th of April, 1653, to return to the exercise and discharge of their trust; and on the very next day old Speaker Lenthall, and all the survivors of the Rump, being escorted and guarded by Lambert's troops, went down to the house, and there took their seats as a lawful and indisputable parliament; and, being seated, they forthwith voted that there should be no protector, no king, no "other house." Richard Cromwell retired quietly to Hampton Court, and signed his demission, or resignation, in form. Fleetwood, whose wife was Richard's sister, made a proffer of allegiance to the restored Rump in the name of the army at London, and General Monk hastened to write from Scotland to express the entire concurrence of himself and army in the new revolution which had been effected. On the 22d of June (and not sooner), letters were received from Henry Cromwell, a much more stirring or bolder man than his brother, notify

* The petitioners required that no officer should be deprived of his commission except by a court-martial; and that the powering his submission, and the submission of his of granting commissions should be intrusted to some person whose services had placed him above suspicion

army in Ireland, to the present parliament.

side, Hazlerig and his friends consulted how they might restore themselves to power, "and they had some hopes of Monk to be their champion." The council of officers displeased Monk by appointing Lambert to the command in Scotland.'

It was at this critical moment that Monk, who had been courted and feared by both parties, began to play his own game. He had been a royalist before he became a parliamentarian; he had been a hot Long Parliament man or Rumpite, and then a still hotter Cromwellite; and he was ready to become king's man or devil's man, or anything else that best promised to promote his own interests.

Pressed by want of money, the Rump proposed to be their commander-in-chief. On the other selling the three royal palaces of Whitehall, Somerset House, and Hampton Court; but they were sold themselves, or were interrupted and dismissed, before they could carry into effect this project in finance. They had scarcely warmed their seats ere they were alarmed by numerous plots and riots raised by the royalists. These troubles grew worse and worse, and in the beginning of August insurrections broke out at the same moment in several parts of the country, the most important being one in Cheshire and Lancashire, headed by Sir George Booth, who was daily expecting to be joined by Charles II. and his brother the Duke of York. But Lambert gave a total rout to Sir George Booth's force. Charles, who had got everything ready, deferred his voyage. Booth and the young Earl of Derby, with many others, were arrested and thrown into the Tower; and by the end of August this formidable insurrection was completely subdued.

But the Rump which sat in the house, and the army which had placed them there, presently quarrelled with each other. The Rump claimed an entire control over the forces by land or by sea; the army, charging the Rump with base ingratitude, claimed to be independent and supreme. An act was passed to dismiss Lambert, Desborough, Fleetwood, and seven or eight other principal officers. Hazlerig, who was the chief mover in these bold parliamentary transactions, was encouraged by letters from Monk, assuring him that he and the army in Scotland would stand by the parliament, and by the like promises from Ludlow, who had succeeded Henry Cromwell in the command of the forces in Ireland. But Monk and Ludlow were far away, and the English army was close at hand. On the 13th of October, Lambert collected his troops in Westminster Hall, Palace-yard, and the avenues leading to the house; and when the speaker came up in his coach they stopped him, and made him turn back; and they treated most part of the members in the same way, so that the house could not sit. The council of state sat, and there the hostile parties, the army men and the Rump men, came into fierce collision. The civilians accused the army of being destroyers of liberty; the officers retorted, saying that the Rump would not have left them any liberty to destroy; and Colonel Sydenham protested that the army had been obliged to apply this last remedy by a special commission from Divine Providence. Desborough, Cromwell's brother-in-law, said with more bluntness, "Because the parliament intended to dismiss us, we had a right to dismiss the parliament." On the next day, the officers of the army debated about a settlement, or new constitution; and declared Fleetwood, Richard's brother-in-law,

On the 29th October, the officers of the army received a letter from him expressive of his dissatisfaction at their late proceedings, and the committee of safety received intelligence through other channels that Monk had secured Berwick for himself and was looking towards London. Lambert

[graphic]

GENERAL MONK-From an engraving by Loggan.

was instantly appointed to command the forces
in the north of England; and Colonels Whalley
and Goffe, and Caryl and Barker, ministers of
the gospel, were sent to Monk, "to persuade him
to a right understanding of things and prevent
effusion of blood." Monk in the meanwhile sent
to assure the leaders of the Rump that his sole
object was to relieve parliament from military
oppression: and he called God to witness that he
was above all things a friend to liberty and the
Commonwealth. Writing to Hazlerig, whom he
duped, he said, "As to a commonwealth, believe
me, sir, for I speak it in the presence of God-
it is the desire of my soul." But if Monk duped

Whitelock; Ludlow: Parl. Hist.

: Clarendon

the humiliated and desperate members of the Rump, he certainly never deceived the English officers. On the 8th of November, Desborough, Fleetwood, and the principal men of that body, went to the common council in London, and told them plainly "that the bottom of Monk's design was to bring in the king upon a new civil war." Monk, after again calling God to witness that the asserting of the Commonwealth was the only intent of his heart, crossed the Tweed in great force, being openly backed by the chief Presbyterians in Scotland. He was faced on the Tyne by Lambert; but the soldiers of Cromwell, now badly provided, had lost their old enthusiasm and discipline, and Lambert besides had orders from the committee of government to avoid a hostile collision; and he therefore lay at Newcastle doing nothing. It was agreed that three commissioners on the part of Monk should be allowed to come up to London to treat with three commissioners on the part of Fleetwood, the nominal commander-in-chief of all the forces. By this delay Monk was enabled to mature his plans, and to receive further assistance in men and money from Scotland. Monk's three commissioners pretended to be very confident that he would approve what was agreed upon by Fleetwood's commissioners, namely, that a parliament should be restored and the nation settled again in the ways of peace. The committee of safety proceeded in preparing a form of government, but there was no reconciling their conflicting theories and views and interests. Fresh letters came from Monk to Fleetwood full of compliments and expressions of his earnest desire for a speedy settlement; but stating that what had been agreed upon by his commissioners was not quite enough-that some things remained untreated of and unagreed upon-that he wished for a fresh treaty to put a final end to the busiSome of the committee declared that this was only a delay in Monk to gain time to be the better prepared for his design to bring in the king. "And, therefore," continues Whitelock, who had himself a principal share in these deliberations, "they advised to fall upon Monk

ness.

1 "In the year 1659, it is manifest that no idea could be more chimerical than that of a republican settlement in England. The name, never familiar or venerable in English ears, was grown infinitely odious: it was associated with the tyranny of ten years, the selfish rapacity of the Rump, the hypocritical despotism of Cromwell, the arbitrary sequestrations of committee men, the iniquitous decimations of military prefects, the sale of British citizens for slavery in the West Indies, the blood of some shed on the scaffold without legal trial, the tedious imprisonment of many with denial of the habeas corpus, the exclusion of the ancient gentry, the persecution of the Anglican church, the bacchanalian rant of sectaries, the morose preciseness of Puritans, the extinction of the frank and cordial joyousness of the national character. Were the people again to endure the mockery of the good old cause, as the Commonwealth's men affected to style the interests of their little faction, and he sub

presently, and bring the matter to an issue before his soldiers were more confirmed, and Fleetwood's party more discouraged; but this advice was not taken, but a new treaty assented to, by commissioners on each part, to be at Newcastle."

This was on the last day of November; on the 4th of December some of the forces about London began to clamour for pay, and to favour the proceedings of Monk for restoring the parliament. On the next day serious disturbances took place in the city; and intelligence was received that the governor and garrison of Portsmouth had declared for the parliament. Still the general council of officers sat devising schemes of government, republican and impracticable. Having concocted another constitution, they proclaimed, on the 15th of December, that there should be a new parliament. On the 17th Admiral Lawson, who had brought his ships into the Thames, required that the Long Parliament or Rump should sit again. On the 22d most of the soldiery about London made the same demand. At this critical moment Whitelock, being convinced that Monk would bring in the king without terms for the parliament party or for the country, and that he would easily delude Hazlerig and the rest of the parliament men, suggested to Fleetwood, since the coming in of Charles II. seemed unavoidable, that it would be more prudent for Fleetwood and his friends to be the instrument for bringing him in than to leave it to Monk. The adroit lawyer proposed that Fleetwood should instantly send some person of trust to the king at Breda, and invite him to return upon conditions. By so doing Fleetwood might yet make terms with the king for the preservation of himself, of his family and friends, and, in a good measure, of the cause in which they had all been engaged: but if it were left to Monk, Fleetwood and his friends, and all that had been done for civil and religious liberty, would be exposed to the danger of destruction. Fleetwood was convinced, and desired Whitelock to go and prepare himself forthwith for the journey. But before Whitelock got across the threshold, Vane, Desborough, and Berry came into the room, and,

ject to Lambert's notorious want of principle, or to Vane's contempt of ordinances (a godly mode of expressing the same thing), or to Hazlerig's fury, or to Harrison's fanaticism, or to the fancies of those lesser schemers, who, in this utter confusion and abject state of their party, were amusing themselves with plans of perfect commonwealths, and debating whether there should be a senate as well as a representation, whether a given number should go out by rotation, and all those details of political mechanism so important in the eyes of theorists? Every project of this description must have wanted what alone could give it either the pretext of legitimate existence, or the chance of permanency-popular consent; the republican party, if we exclude those who would have had a protector, and those fanatics who expected the appearance of Jesus Christ, was incalculably small; not perhaps amounting in the whole nation to more than a few hundred persons."-Hallam, Const. Hist Eng., i. 682.

after a private conversation with them, Fleetwood called Whitelock back, "and in much passion said to him, 'I cannot do it! I cannot do it! I cannot do it without my Lord Lambert's consent!"" "Then," said Whitelock, "you will ruin yourself and your friends." Fleetwood replied, that he could not help it, that his word was pledged; and so they parted.

On the next day, some of the members of the old council of state, and the old speaker Lenthall, seeing that the soldiers were all revolting from Fleetwood, gave orders for a rendezvous in Lincoln's-Inn Fields. They also received intelligence that Hazlerig was coming speedily up to London with the revolted garrison of Portsmouth.

of the Rump began to think of providing for their personal safety. The Presbyterian majority voted in rapid succession, that Monk should be commander-in-chief of all the forces in England, Scotland, and Ireland; that all the proceedings of parliament since their seclusion should be null and void; that Presbyterianism should be the one and sole religion; and that the League and Covenant, without any amendment or toleration, should be posted up in all churches. Ou the 16th of March they passed an act for dissolving this parliament, with a proviso not to infringe the rights of the House of Peers. Writs were issued for a new parliament; and then Monk finished his bargain with Charles II., giving adOn the morrow the troops formed in Lincoln's- vice but imposing no conditions. Lambert, who Inn, opposite to the house of the speaker, gave had proved most satisfactorily that he was not a him three cheers, saluted him with a volley, and Cromwell, nor fitted to be his successor, was shut took the word of command from him. Lenthall up in the Tower, after an insane attempt at inwas now, in effect, commander-in-chief in Lon-surrection. The new parliament met on the 25th don. He secured the Tower; he convinced the of April. Ten peers took their seats in their common council, the citizens, and soldiery, that own house, confirmed the appointments of Monk, the very best thing to do at this crisis was to and voted a day of fasting to seek God for his restore the Rump. And, two days after this, or blessing upon the approaching settlement of the on the 26th of December, the Rump were re- nation. Circular letters were then sent for the stored by the very soldiers who had so recently other peers, who came up to Westminster by deprevented their sitting. grees, till the house was nearly full. In the lower house the utmost readiness was shown in agreeing with the restored peers. Sir Harbottle Grimston was elected speaker, and was conducted to the chair by Monk and the runaway Denzil Hollis. On the 26th of April the two houses gave orders for a day of thanksgiving to God "for raising up General Monk and other instruments of rescuing this nation from thraldom and misery." They also voted thanks to Monk for his eminent and unparalleled services. On the 1st of May, Sir John Granville, who had been em

On the 2d of January the house A.D. 1660. voted that a bill should be prepared for renouncing anew the title of Charles Stuart, &c. On the 6th they received a letter from Monk promising all obedience and faithfulness to this parliament; and, in their infatuation, they voted Monk a letter of thanks, and desired him to come up to London as soon as he could. By the 26th of January Monk was at Northampton, protesting that he was but a servant of the parliament. On the 28th he was at St. Alban's, where he again expressed all duty and obedience.ployed for some time in the negotiations between But, after keeping a day of fasting and prayer, he wrote from St. Alban's to require that all the soldiers of the English army that were in or about London should be removed. The Rump ordered the troops out of town accordingly; and on the same day Monk marched into London, in all state, with his horse and foot: and then the king's party talked very high, saying they were sure the king would soon follow.

Although Monk carefully concealed his intention of recalling Charles, he soon opened the eyes of Hazlerig and that party to the monstrous blunder they had committed. He insisted that the secluded members of the Long Parliament -the expelled Presbyterians-should sit again. None durst oppose him; the spirit of the people generally ran that way, and the Cavaliers agreed to it as the way to bring in the king. On the 21st of February the secluded members took their seats; and from that moment the members

Charles II. and the general, arrived again from Breda. Monk, who continued to wear the mask when it was no longer necessary, would not open the despatches in his own house, but ordered Sir John to present them to him in the midst of the council of state. This was done; and, to carry on the farce, Granville was put under arrest.—But, lo! it was proved that the letters were really from the king himself, and that they contained very upright and very satisfactory intentions; and Grauville was released from custody, and the letters were sent down to parliament, and there read in the name of the king. One of these royal epistles was addressed to the lords, another to the commons, one to Monk, and another to the lord-mayor. The letter to the commons contained the famous "Declaration of Breda,” whisk, in general terms, offered indemnity for the past and liberty of conscience for the future. This document was the only pledge that this parliament

thought necessary to be required from a prince | the king were brought back; but Monk silenced who had already proved, in many cases, that his them by asserting that, as his majesty would royal word was little worth. Despising many warncome back without either money or troops, there ings of danger to themselves and Covenant and was nothing to fear from him. church, the Presbyterians prepared an answer to the king's letter, expressing their surpassing joy; voted his majesty, who was penniless, the present supply of £50,000; and sent a committee into the city to borrow that money. Prynne, who had suffered so much from Star Chambers and High Courts of Commission, royal tyranny and prelatical intolerance, and that upright judge Sir Matthew Hale, ventured to recommend that some more definite settlement should be made before

The commons continued running a race with the lords in this new loyalty; and, after other votes, they sent twelve of their members to wait upon the king. Nor were the lord-mayor and common council of London a whit less loyal. On the 8th of May Charles was solemnly proclaimed at Westminster Hall gate, the lords and commons standing bareheaded while the proclamation was made by the heralds. And so ended the Commonwealth.

CHAPTER XVIII.-HISTORY OF RELIGION.

A.D. 1603-1660.

State of the religious contest in Britain at the present period-Its connection with the Scottish ReformationPresbyterian form of the Scottish Reformation-Early origin of the Presbyterian element in Scotland-Early inclination of James VI. to Episcopacy-Remonstrances of the clergy against his aggressions on the churchAndrew Melvil cited before the privy council-His refusal of the judgment of a civil court in ecclesiastical affairs-Acts of 1584 subversive of the liberty of the church-The "Raid of Ruthven"-Temporary reconciliation of James with the church-His declarations and concessions in its favour-His dislike to Presbyterianism renewed with his prospects of accession to the throne of England-His favour for Papists-Deputation of ministers sent to remonstrate with him on the subject-Bold address of Andrew Melvil to him on the occasion -Measures of the clergy to protect the rights of the church-Attempts of James to restrain the liberty of the pulpit-Trial of David Black-Riot in Edinburgh on the 17th of December-James embraces this opportunity to impose Episcopacy on the church-His measures to that effect-Contrast between the Scottish and the English Reformation-Predominance in the latter of the royal authority-Monarchical character of the English church-Origin of English Puritanism simultaneous with the Reformation-Objections of early English Reformers to the rites and ceremonies retained from the Romish church-Puritanism during the reign of Elizabeth-Its growth and political influence-Proposals of the Puritans for the abrogation of certain church forms and ceremonies-The change of the church to Puritanism narrowly defeated-Elizabeth's resolution to compel uniformity-Scene at Lambeth illustrative of this compulsion-Puritanism strengthened by opposition-Its objections extended from the forms to the constitution of the church-Commencement of Puritan secession from the church-Its proposed Book of Discipline-Rise of Presbyterians, Brownists, Familists, and Anabaptists-Grindal and Whitgift, Archbishops of Canterbury-Their different administration-Account of Whitgift-His strict and severe measures to produce conformity-Accession of James to the throne of England-Hopes of Churchmen and Puritans at his arrival-The "millenary petition" of the Puritans-Its proposals The Hampton Court controversy-Conduct of James on the occasion-His singular speeches-Proposal adopted for a new translation of the Bible-Accomplishment of the work-New Book of Canons to compel the Puritans to conform to the church-Account of the "Pilgrim Fathers"-Their emigration to New England-Their foundation of the United States of America-James's Eook of Sports-His enactments for silencing the Puritan pulpits-Change of his own creed from Calvinism to Arminianism-Dark prospects of the Puritans at the accession of Charles I.-Popish tendencies of his prelates-Attempt of Charles to overthrow the Presbyterianism of Scotland-The Scottish reaction-English Puritanism roused by the example-Meeting of the Westminster Assembly of Divines-Episcopacy overthrown and Presbyterianism established in England -Difference between the Scottish and English Presbyterianism-Causes of that difference-State of parties in the Westminster Assembly-Presbyterians, Independents, and Erastians-Chief proceedings of the assembly -Its Directory, Confession of Faith, and Catechisms-Debates on the Divine right of Presbytery, and toleration-Toleration established-Rise of Independency over Presbyterianism-Causes of this rise-Cromwell's Board of Triers"-Its beneficial services to religion-English sectaries.

HE religious history of the present | beth, and supported by authoritative statutes period is chiefly the narrative of a deadly struggle between the Puritanism of England on the one hand, and the Episcopal polity on the other; between the national church as formulated by Henry VIII. and Eliza

and rich endowments-and a strong popular religious element, whose motto was liberty of conscience, and whose aim was the emancipation of the church, alike from kingly dictation and parliamentary rule. It was, for the time, the presiding spirit of that great political struggle in

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