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agreed to make to them before Montreuil came | gagement was made by Montreuil with the Scotfrom Oxford (of which Montreuil told me the sum), but would not give anything under their hands. I desired, to avoid mistakes, that the particulars might be set down in writing, lest I should afterwards be charged with making a false relation, and so he (Montreuil) set the propositions down in writing:-1. That they should receive the king on his personal honour. 2. That they should press the king to do nothing contrary to his conscience. 3. That Mr. Ashburnham and I should be protected. 4. That, if the parliament refused, upon a message from the king, to restore the king to his rights and prerogatives, they should declare for the king, and take all the king's friends under their protection; and if the parliament did condescend to restore the king, then the Scots should be a means that not above four of them (the king's friends) should suffer banishment, and none at all death. This done, the French agent brought me word that the Scots seriously protested the performance of all these, and sent a little note to the king to accept of them, and such security as was given to him in the king's behalf."

This, be it remembered, is simply the statement of Hudson, a most enthusiastic royalist, who had thrown aside Bible and cassock for sword and breastplate, and who delivered this confession to the parliament of England at a moment when that body was prepared to receive any evil impressions against the Scots, and when the royalists were still hoping to profit by the jealousies and dissensions existing between the English commons and the Scottish commissioners. But, even taking Hudson's words for all these particulars, what does this story amount to? Simply to this -that Montreuil told him such and such things, and that the Scots told him nothing. The assurance was not given under the hands of the Scottish commissioners-even according to Hudson, they absolutely refused to give anything of the kind—but it was given, as he says, by Montreuil, who committed the particulars, or "set the propositions down, in writing." But even this paper of Montreuil's, so important, if true, has nowhere been preserved, while great care has been taken of documents relating to this negotiation of far less consequence. A doubt, therefore, may be fairly entertained whether Montreuil ever really wrote any such paper; and in no part of his correspondence with his own court does he ever pretend to have received any such formal agreement. But again, was Charles so inexperienced and single-minded a person as to pin his faith to or rely upon such a document as this which Hudson says he received from the French envoy? Clarendon, nearly always a prejudiced authority, has been quoted as proving that a formal en

tish commissioners; but, if such an engagement had ever been made, Clarendon himself shows that Charles placed no confidence in that engagement; for he tells us that the king lurked about the country "purposely to be informed of the condition of the Marquis of Montrose, and to find some secure passage that he might get to him." The fact appears to be, that Charles diverged from the northern route and went into the eastern counties on purpose to find some vessel on that coast wherein to escape to Scotland, and that he was deterred from the voyage by the risk and danger of trusting himself to that element on which the parliament of England rode triumphantly as masters. A frail vessel, one or two great shot, or a storm, might have terminated the career of this unhappy prince without the closing scenes at Whitehall. A man who had lived in the midst of perils, and had through many a year faced them all, and revelled in them, was appalled by somewhat similar dangers, and preferred surrendering himself to his oldest or greatest enemies; and, just as Napoleon went on board the Bellerophon, did Charles go to the Scottish camp-because he could go nowhere else—because every other possible way of proceeding seemed infinitely more dangerous.

Hudson, continuing his report, says, “I came to the king on Tuesday, and related all, and he resolved next morning to go to them; and so upon Tuesday morning we all came to Southwell to Montreuil's lodgings, where some of the Scots commissioners came to the king, and desired him to march to Kelham for security, whither we went after dinner." This happened on the 5th of May. "Many lords," says Ashburnham, “came instantly to wait on his majesty with professions of joy to find that he had so far honoured their army as to think it worthy his presence after so long an opposition." On this point, as on others, there are discrepancies between the aecount given by Ashburnham and the narrative of Clarendon. The latter goes on to say, “The great care in the (Scottish) army was, that there might be only respect and good manners showed towards the king, without anything of affection or dependence; and therefore the general never asked the word of him, or any orders, nor willingly suffered the officers of the army to resort to, or to have any discourse with his majesty." And once, it appears, when the king ventured to give the word to the guard, old Leslie, or Leven, interrupted him, saying, "I am the older soldier, Sir; your majesty had better leave that office to me."

In the meantime the king's motions were kept so secret that none could guess whither he was gone; but it was generally reported that he was

sioners authorized for that effect. Trusting to our integrity, we do persuade ourselves that none will so far misconstrue us as that we intended to make use of this seeming advantage for promotany other ends than are expressed in the Covenant, and have been hitherto pursued by us with no less conscience than care. And yet, for further satisfaction, we do ingenuously declare that there hath been no treaty nor capitulation betwixt his majesty and us, nor any in our names, and that we leave the ways and means of peace unto the power and wisdom of the parliaments of both kingdoms." They appealed to Heaven as a witness of their good faith and of their honest and single desire to advance the public good and common happiness of both kingdoms. They said they had written to the committee of estates of Scotland upon the great business of the king's going among them: and that they at last hoped, after a seed-time of many afflictions, to reap the sweet fruits of truth and peace.'

gone for London, and Fairfax, who had now | parliaments of both kingdoms, or their commisdrawn up his army before Oxford, sent notice to that effect to the two houses, who, on Monday, May the 4th, only the day before Charles reached the Scottish camp, caused an order to be published by beat of drum and sound of trumpeting throughout London and Westminster, to this effect:-"That it be, and is hereby declared by the lords and commons in parliament assembled, that what person soever shall harbour and conceal, or know of the harbouring or concealing of the king's person, and shall not reveal it immediately to the speakers of both houses, shall be proceeded against as a traitor to the commonwealth, forfeit his whole estate, and die without mercy." Two days after this—that is, on the 6th of Maythe two houses received intelligence of the king's being in the Scots army by means of letters from Colonel Poyntz, and from their commissioners before Newark. The commons hereupon voted: -"1. That the commissioners and general of the Scots army be desired that his majesty's person be disposed of as both houses shall desire and direct. 2. That his majesty be thence disposed of and sent to Warwick Castle. 3. That Mr. Ashburnham and the rest of those that came with the king into the Scots quarters should be sent for as delinquents by the serjeant-at-arms at tending the said house, or his deputy; and that the commissioners for the parliament of England residing before Newark should acquaint the Scots general with these votes, and also make a narrative of the manner of the king's coming into the Scots army, and present it to the house." While the houses were thus voting, old Leslie and the Scottish commissioners were employed in writing a very devout letter of explanation to the English parliament. "The king," they said, "came into our army yesterday in so private a way that, after we had made search for him, upon the surmises of some persons who pretended to know his face, yet we could not find him out in sundry houses." They declared that they never expected he would have come to them, or into any place under their power. Next they said "We conceived it not fit to inquire into the causes that persuaded him to come hither, but to endeavour that his being here might be improved to the best advantage, for promoting the work of uniformity, for settling of religion and righteousness, and attaining of peace according to the League and Covenant and treaty, by the advice of the

On the same day on which this letter was written, Charles ordered the Lord Bellasis, the new governor of Newark, to surrender that important place; and, also on the same day, Newark, with the castle, forts, and sconces thereunto belonging, was surrendered to the committee of both kingdoms, for the use of the parliament of England. Charles had offered to surrender the place to the Scots, which would have made a fresh garboil, but Leven told him that, to remove all jealousies, it must be yielded to the parliament of England. Clarendon says that Charles's readiness on this occasion proceeded from his fear that Fairfax might be ordered to relinquish all other enterprises, "and to bring himself near the Scottish army, they being too near together already." It is said, indeed, that the English commons at one moment entertained the notion of throwing forward Oliver Cromwell with the entire mass of their cavalry, in order to fall upon the Scots by surprise, and to take the king away from them by force; but in effect they only detached Poyntz, who, with a party of horse and dragoons, followed the Scots, and watched them on their march northward from the Trent.

1 Rushworth. This letter is dated "Southwell, May the 6th, 1646," and signed "Leven, Dunfermling, Lothian, Belcarris,

S. D., Hume, Sir T. H. Carre, R. of Freeland, W. Glendowyn,
John Johnston."

CHAPTER XVI.-CIVIL AND MILITARY HISTORY.-A.D. 1646-1649.

CHARLES I.

Charles tampers with the Scots-His attempts to conciliate the parliament-Proposals made to him by the par liament His refusal-The Scottish army in England paid and dismissed-They deliver up Charles to the parliament Ascendency of Presbyterianism in England-Mutinous condition of the army-Its cause identified with Independency-Petition of the soldiers to parliament-Their appointment of adjutators-Cromwell's intrigues with the army-The army secures possession of the king's person-It advances upon London to overthrow the Presbyterian government-Proposals of the officers to parliament-Double-dealing of Charles with the contending parties-Republicanism coming into favour-Alarming designs of the soldiers on the king-He makes his escape from Hampton Court-His apprehension and imprisonment in the Isle of Wight— Mutiny among the soldiers suppressed by Cromwell-Four propositions made by parliament to the kingCharles rejects them--He resolves on a secret treaty with the Scots-His unsuccessful attempt to escape from the Isle of Wight-Alarm in London at the king's treating with the Scots-A popular tumult-Risings of the royalists, and their suppression-The Scots rise in support of royalty and Presbyterianism-Their army enters England and is defeated-The Earl of Holland attempts a rising for the king-He is defeated-In difference of Prince Charles to the captivity of his father-The parliament attempts a new treaty with Charles --Cromwell breaks the negotiation by seizing the king's person-The army enters London-“Pride's Purge,” by which the parliament is cleared of Presbyterianism-The residue called "the Rump"-Charles removed to confinement in Windsor Castle-Resolution of the parliament to bring Charles to trial-The Independents erect a high court for the purpose-Demeanour of Charles before the court-The charges-The king's answers -He disclaims the authority of the court-Particulars of the trial during seven days-His sentence-His last interview in prison with his family-His behaviour on the scaffold-His execution.

n

A

EWCASTLE was now the seat of the war, for " wars are not only carried on by swords and guns, but tongues and pens are co-instrumental; which, as they had been too much employed formerly, were not idle now." The king sounded some of the officers of the Scottish army, and offered David Leslie, the general of the horse, the title of Earl of Orkney, if he would consent to espouse his cause and unite with Montrose; but this project, considering the temper of that Covenanting soldiery, must always have been a hopeless one, and it came to nothing. The committee of estates at Edinburgh, the champions of the Covenant, despatched Lanark, Loudon, and Argyle, to Newcastle, to look after both the king and the army; and these noblemen, after telling Charles in the plainest manner that he must take the Covenant, or expect no important service from them—that he must not imagine that they would temporize with this great measure, or be put off with promises-required of him, in the first instance, to do all that in him lay to put an end to the civil war in Scotland by ceasing all connection or correspondence with Montrose. And at their instance he sent a positive order to the hero of Kilsyth to disband his forces and retire to France.

About the same time, the king sent a very soft message to the two houses, stating, that,

1 The Perfect Politician, or a full View of the Life and Actions (Military and Civil) of Oliver Cromwell.

"

"being informed that their armies were marching so fast up to Oxford as made that no fit place for treating, he did resolve to withdraw himself hither, only to secure his own person, and with no intention to continue this war any longer, or make any division between his two kingdoms. And," continued this practised dissembler, who now spoke as if he had made up his mind to give up the question of Episcopacy, "since the settling of religion ought to be the chiefest care, his majesty most earnestly and heartily recommends to his two Houses of Parliament, all the ways and means possible for speedily finishing this pious and necessary work; and particularly that they take the advice of the divines of both kingdoms assembled at Westminster." As for the militia of England, his majesty was well pleased to have it settled as was offered in the treaty at Uxbridge. Concerning the wars in Ireland, and every other point whatsoever, he promised to comply with his parliament. About three weeks later, on the 10th of June, he sent another message to the two houses, expressing his earnest desire for the ending of this unnatural war, and requesting that he might be permitted to come to London with safety, freedom, and honour. And on the same day he signed a warrant to the governors of Oxford, Lichfield, Worcester, and Wallingford, and to all other commanders of towns, or castles, or forts, to surrender upon honourable terms. Most of these few places, however, had surrendered already. Even Oxford had proposed to treat as

dropped all projects of hostility, and to agree with every desire that was expressed. But at the same time he managed to continue his secret correspondence with the Papists in Ireland, and others, devising the most desperate if not the most ridiculous plans for resuming hostilities by means of the Papists and of French armies to be brought over to England. We cannot possibly mention half the wild schemes that were entertained at Newcastle and at Paris, between the going of Charles to the Scots' quarters and his delivery over to the English; but one of the most striking of them was, that Montrose, whom the king had ordered to lay down his arms, should be recalled to head a fresh insurrection in the Highlands, and take the command of fresh hordes from Ireland.

On the 23d of July the final propositions of

castle by the Earl of Pembroke, the Earl of Denbigh, and the Lord Montague of the peers, and six members of the House of Commons; the com

early as the 17th of May, which was one day before the king's first message to parliament. The commons, however, considered the terms demanded as much too high, and so ordered Fairfax to prosecute the siege; and the place did not surrender until the 24th of June, when very liberal terms were granted by the parliamentarians. Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice received their passports and took shipping at Dover. Charles's second son, James, the young Duke of York, was brought up from Oxford to St. James's Palace. Ragland Castle was stoutly defended by the Marquis of Worcester. But at last, on the 19th of August, Ragland was surrendered. In the same month of August the town of Conway was taken by storm; the strong castle of Conway surrendered in a few days after, as did also Flint Castle, and all other places in Wales. Meanwhile the Scots at Newcastle were labour-parliament were presented to Charles at Newing hard to make the king take their Covenant. Charles thought that he might take it with a mental reservation, but having some scruples, or wishing for the countenance of a leading church-missioners of the parliament of Scotland being man, he sent "a case of conscience" to Dr. Juxon, Bishop of London. After declaring that no persuasions and threatenings should make him change Episcopal into Presbyterian government, the king said to the bishop-"But I hold myself obliged by all honest means, to eschew the mischief of this too visible storm, and I think some kind of compliance with the iniquity of the times may be fit, as my case is, which at another time were unlawful. . . . . I conceive the question to be whether I may with a safe conscience give way to this proposed temporary compliance, with a resolution to recover and maintain that doctrine and discipline wherein I have been bred. The duty of my oath is herein chiefly to be considered; I flattering myself that this way I better comply with it, than being constant to a flat denial, considering how unable I am by force to obtain that which this way there wants not prohability to recover, if accepted (otherwise there is no harm done); for, my regal authority once settled, I make no question of recovering Episcopal government, and God is my witness my chiefest end in regaining my power is to do the church service."1

present and consenting to them. "The lords
and commons, commissioners of the parliament
of England," says May, "stayed long with the
king at Newcastle, humbly entreating him that
he would vouchsafe to sign and establish those
propositions, being not much higher than those
which had been offered to his majesty at Ux-
bridge when the chance of war was yet doubtful.
The same thing did the commissioners of the
parliament in Scotland humbly entreat. . .
But daily he seemed to take exception at some
particulars, whereby time was delayed for some
months, and the affairs of both kingdoms much
retarded, which happened at an unseasonable
time, when not only dissensions between the two
nations about garrisons, money, and other things,
were justly feared, but also in the parliament of
England and city of London, the divisions were
then increasing between the two factions of the
Presbyterians and the Independents, from whence
the common enemy began to swell with hopes
not improbable. And this, perchance, was the
cause of the king's delay."

"2

Many men that did not love the king personally, but that loved monarchy, implored him to acIt has been judged, from the fact of Charles's cept the propositions as the only means of saving not pursuing the line of conduct so ingeniously the throne. Others used prayers, mingled with hinted at, and also from the honest straightfor- threats. The Earls of Argyle and Loudon beward character of Juxon, that the bishop's an- sought him on their knees, but all in vain. Then swer, which has not been preserved, was frank Loudon, now Chancellor of Scotland, told him and honest, like that which he had given when that his assent to the propositions was indispenconsulted about the execution of the Earl of sable for the preservation of his crown and kingStrafford. The king, however, listened or pre-doms-that the danger and loss of a refusal would tended to listen to the arguments of the Presby- be remediless, and bring on a sudden ruin and terian divines and teachers, and appeared to have destruction of the monarchy. The noble Scot

Sir Henry Ellis' Collection.

2 Brev. Hist. Parl.

continued with increasing energy:-"The differences betwixt your majesty and parliament (known to no man better than yourself) are at this time so high that (after so many bloody battles) no composure can be made, nor a more certain ruin avoided, without a present pacification. The parliament are in possession of your navy, of all the towns, castles, and forts of Eugland; they enjoy, besides, sequestrations and your revenue." But Charles would not sign, and he was as deaf to the gentler representations of others as to the rough eloquence of Loudon,"1

On the same day that the parliament commissioners arrived at Newcastle, there came a new ambassador from France to implore the king to accept the propositions, and to present to him letters from the queen, who prayed to the same effect. Edinburgh and other Scottish cities sent tender petitions to his majesty imploring him to take the Covenant, and save himself and his royal progeny; but all was of no avail. After receiving several communications from their commissioners, parliament gave their thanks to those noblemen and gentlemen, and appointed a committee to give the same thanks to the Scottish commissioners who had acted with them at Newcastle. In the course of this debate in the house a Presbyterian member exclaimed, "What will become of us now that

sioners in London presented a spirited paper to the English House of Lords, demanding immediate payment, or an instalment with security for the remainder. The lords communicated this paper to the commons, who, taking the same into consideration, ordered that the sum of £100,000 should be provided forthwith for the Scottish army, and appointed a committee to audit and settle the whole money account. The Scots demanded £600,000; but after some debate, their commissioners agreed to take £400,000, of which one-half was to be paid before the army left England or gave up the places they garrisoned. This bargain was fully concluded four months before the Scots delivered up Charles, and dur

[graphic]

ANDERSON PLACE, NEWCASTLE.2

The house where Charles I. was delivered to the Parliamentary Commissioners

tiate in his favour.

the king has refused our propositions?" "What | ing the interval they had never ceased to negewould have become of us if he had accepted them?" rejoined one of the Independents.

On the 19th of May, without any settlement of the heavy pecuniary claims the Scots had upon them, the House of Commons had voted that England had no longer any need of the Scottish army. The Scots on their side reminded the English of how much they and the cause of liberty had owed to their well-timed assistance; and they called aloud for a settlement of accounts, the parliament having agreed to subsidize them previously to this their second coming into England. King or no king in their hands, the Scots would have claimed their money; but it is possible that, without that security, the payment would have been neither so prompt nor so liberal. The pride of the Scots was incessantly tated, but their prudence was stronger than their pride. On the 12th of August their commis

May, Brev. Hist. Parl.; Rushworth.

On the 11th of December, the Scottish parliament voted that the kingdom of Scotland could not lawfully engage on the king's side even if he were deposed in England, seeing that he would not take the Covenant, or give any satisfactory answer to the propositions tendered to him for peace. Furthermore, that parliament declared that the king should not be permitted to come into Scotland, or that, if he came, his royal functions should be suspended. Seeing that all the hopes he had built on the Scotch foundation were annihilated, Charles would have flown from the Pres

This house, the view of which is taken from an old print in the King's Collection, British Museum, has now been removed. From being the residence of Charles during his abode at Newirri-wards, on coming into the possession of Major Anderson, received castle, it formerly was called the King's Lodgings, but afterthe name of Anderson Place. Previous to its demolition m 1836, there existed here the remains of a large conduit, which passed through the town wall, and by which, according to local tradition, the king made an attempt to escape.

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