CHAPTER XVI.-CIVIL AND MILITARY HISTORY.-A.D. 1646-1649. CHARLES I. Charles tampers with the Scots-His attempts to conciliate the parliament-Proposals made to him by the parliament-His refusal-The Scottish army in England paid and dismissed-They deliver up Charles to the parliament Ascendency of Presbyterianism in England-Mutinous condition of the army-Its cause identified with Independency-Petition of the soldiers to parliament-Their appointment of adjutators-Cromwell's intrigues with the army-The army secures possession of the king's person-It advances upon London to overthrow the Presbyterian government-Proposals of the officers to parliament-Double-dealing of Charles with the contending parties-Republicanism coming into favour-Alarming designs of the soldiers on the king-He makes his escape from Hampton Court-His apprehension and imprisonment in the Isle of WightMutiny among the soldiers suppressed by Cromwell-Four propositions made by parliament to the kingCharles rejects them--He resolves on a secret treaty with the Scots-His unsuccessful attempt to escape from the Isle of Wight-Alarm in London at the king's treating with the Scots-A popular tumult-Risings of the royalists, and their suppression-The Scots rise in support of royalty and Presbyterianism-Their army enters England and is defeated-The Earl of Holland attempts a rising for the king-He is defeated-In difference of Prince Charles to the captivity of his father-The parliament attempts a new treaty with Charles --Cromwell breaks the negotiation by seizing the king's person-The army enters London-"Pride's Purge," by which the parliament is cleared of Presbyterianism-The residue called "the Rump"-Charles removed to confinement in Windsor Castle-Resolution of the parliament to bring Charles to trial-The Independents erect a high court for the purpose-Demeanour of Charles before the court-The charges-The king's answers -He disclaims the authority of the court-Particulars of the trial during seven days-His sentence-His last interview in prison with his family-His behaviour on the scaffold-His execution. n A EWCASTLE was now the seat of the war, for wars are not only carried on by swords and guns, but tongues and pens are co-instrumental; which, as they had been too much employed formerly, were not idie now." The king sounded some of the officers of the Scottish army, and offered David Leslie, the general of the horse, the title of Earl of Orkney, if he would consent to espouse his cause and unite with Montrose; but this project, considering the temper of that Covenanting soldiery, must always have been a hopeless one, and it came to nothing. The committee of estates at Edinburgh, the champions of the Covenant, despatched Lanark, Loudon, and Argyle, to Newcastle, to look after both the king and the army; and these noblemen, after telling Charles in the plainest manner that he must take the Covenant, or expect no important service from them—that he must not imagine that they would temporize with this great measure, or be put off with promises-required of him, in the first instance, to do all that in him lay to put an end to the civil war in Scotland by ceasing all connection or correspondence with Montrose. And at their instance he sent a positive order to the hero of Kilsyth to disband his forces and retire to France. About the same time, the king sent a very soft message to the two houses, stating, that, The Perfect Politician, or a full View of the Life and Actions (Military and Civil) of Oliver Cromwell. “being informed that their armies were marching so fast up to Oxford as made that no fit place for treating, he did resolve to withdraw himself hither, only to secure his own person, and with no intention to continue this war any longer, or make any division between his two kingdoms. And," continued this practised dissembler, who now spoke as if he had made up his mind to give up the question of Episcopacy, "since the settling of religion ought to be the chiefest care, his majesty most earnestly and heartily recommends to his two Houses of Parliament, all the ways and means possible for speedily finishing this pious and necessary work; and particularly that they take the advice of the divines of both kingdoms assembled at Westminster." As for the militia of England, his majesty was well pleased to have it settled as was offered in the treaty at Uxbridge. Concerning the wars in Ireland, and every other point whatsoever, he promised to comply with his parliament. About three weeks later, on the 10th of June, he sent another message to the two houses, expressing his earnest desire for the ending of this unnatural war, and requesting that he might be permitted to come to London with safety, freedom, and honour. And on the same day he signed a warrant to the governors of Oxford, Lichfield, Worcester, and Wallingford, and to all other commanders of towns, or castles, or forts, to surrender upon honourable terms. Most of these few places, however, had surrendered already. Even Oxford had proposed to treat as dropped all projects of hostility, and to agree with every desire that was expressed. But at the same time he managed to continue his secret correspondence with the Papists in Ireland, and others, devising the most desperate if not the most ridiculous plans for resuming hostilities by means of the Papists and of French armies to be brought over to England. We cannot possibly mention half the wild schemes that were entertained at Newcastle and at Paris, between the going of Charles to the Scots' quarters and his delivery over to the English; but one of the most striking of them was, that Montrose, whom the king had ordered to lay down his arms, should be recalled to head a fresh insurrection in the Highlands, and take the command of fresh hordes from Ireland. On the 23d of July the final propositions of castle by the Earl of Pembroke, the Earl of Denbigh, and the Lord Montague of the peers, and six members of the House of Commons; the com early as the 17th of May, which was one day before the king's first message to parliament. The commons, however, considered the terms demanded as much too high, and so ordered Fairfax to prosecute the siege; and the place did not surrender until the 24th of June, when very liberal terms were granted by the parliamentarians. Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice received their passports and took shipping at Dover. Charles's second son, James, the young Duke of York, was brought up from Oxford to St. James's Palace. Ragland Castle was stoutly defended by the Marquis of Worcester. But at last, on the 19th of August, Ragland was surrendered. In the same month of August the town of Conway was taken by storm; the strong castle of Conway surrendered in a few days after, as did also Flint Castle, and all other places in Wales. Meanwhile the Scots at Newcastle were labour-parliament were presented to Charles at Newing hard to make the king take their Covenant. Charles thought that he might take it with a mental reservation, but having some scruples, or wishing for the countenance of a leading church-missioners of the parliament of Scotland being man, he sent “a case of conscience" to Dr. Juxon, Bishop of London. After declaring that no persuasions and threatenings should make him change Episcopal into Presbyterian government, the king said to the bishop-"But I hold myself obliged by all honest means, to eschew the mischief of this too visible storm, and I think some kind of compliance with the iniquity of the times inay be fit, as my case is, which at another time were unlawful. . . . . I conceive the question to be whether I may with a safe conscience give way to this proposed temporary compliance, with a resolution to recover and maintain that doctrine and discipline wherein I have been bred. The duty of my oath is herein chiefly to be considered; I flattering myself that this way I bet-nations about garrisons, money, and other things, ter comply with it, than being constant to a flat denial, considering how unable I am by force to obtain that which this way there wants not prohability to recover, if accepted (otherwise there is no harm done); for, my regal authority once settled, I make no question of recovering Episcopal government, and God is my witness my chiefest end in regaining my power is to do the church service." It has been judged, from the fact of Charles's not pursuing the line of conduct so ingeniously hinted at, and also from the honest straightforward character of Juxon, that the bishop's answer, which has not been preserved, was frank and honest, like that which he had given when consulted about the execution of the Earl of Strafford. The king, however, listened or pretended to listen to the arguments of the Presbyterian divines and teachers, and appeared to have Sir Henry Ellis' Collection. present and consenting to them. "The lords were justly feared, but also in the parliament of England and city of London, the divisions were then increasing between the two factions of the Presbyterians and the Independents, from whence the common enemy began to swell with hopes not improbable. And this, perchance, was the cause of the king's delay."2 Many men that did not love the king personally, but that loved monarchy, implored him to accept the propositions as the only means of saving the throne. Others used prayers, mingled with threats. The Earls of Argyle and Loudon besought him on their knees, but all in vain. Then Loudon, now Chancellor of Scotland, told him that his assent to the propositions was indispensable for the preservation of his crown and kingdoms-that the danger and loss of a refusal would be remediless, and bring on a sudden ruin and destruction of the monarchy. The noble Scot 2 Brev. Hist. Parl. continued with increasing energy:-"The differences betwixt your majesty and parliament (known to no man better than yourself) are at this time so high that (after so many bloody battles) no composure can be made, nor a more certain ruin avoided, without a present pacification. The parliament are in possession of your navy, of all the towns, castles, and forts of Eugland; they enjoy, besides, sequestrations and your revenue." But Charles would not sign, and he was as deaf to the gentler representations of others as to the rough eloquence of Loudon."1 On the same day that the parliament commissioners arrived at Newcastle, there came a new ambassador from France to implore the king to accept the propositions, and to present to him letters from the queen, who prayed to the same effect. Edinburgh and other Scottish cities sent tender petitions to his majesty imploring him to take the Covenant, and save himself and his royal progeny; but all was of no avail. After receiving several communications from their commissioners, parliament gave their thanks to those noblemen and gentlemen, and appointed a committee to give the same thanks to the Scottish commissioners who had acted with them at Newcastle. In the course of this debate in the house a Presbyterian member exclaimed, "What will become of us now that sioners in London presented a spirited paper to the English House of Lords, demanding immediate payment, or an instalment with security for the remainder. The lords communicated this paper to the commons, who, taking the same into consideration, ordered that the sum of £100,000 should be provided forthwith for the Scottish army, and appointed a committee to audit and settle the whole money account. The Scots demanded £600,000; but after some debate, their commissioners agreed to take £400,000, of which one-half was to be paid before the army left England or gave up the places they garrisoned. This bargain was fully concluded four months before the Scots delivered up Charles, and dur ANDERSON PLACE, NEWCASTLE 2 The house where Charles I. was delivered to the Parliamentary Commissioners the king has refused our propositions?" "What would have become of us if he had accepted them?" rejoined one of the Independents. On the 19th of May, without any settlement of the heavy pecuniary claims the Scots had upon them, the House of Commons had voted that England had no longer any need of the Scottish army. The Scots on their side reminded the English of how much they and the cause of liberty had owed to their well-timed assistance; and they called aloud for a settlement of accounts, the parliament having agreed to subsidize them previously to this their second coming into England. King or no king in their hands, the Scots would have claimed their money; but it is possible that, without that security, the payment would have been neither so prompt nor so liberal. The pride of the Scots was incessantly irritated, but their prudence was stronger than their pride. On the 12th of August their commisMay, Brev. Hist. Parl.; Rushworth. ing the interval they had never ceased to nego tiate in his favour. On the 11th of December, the Scottish parliament voted that the kingdom of Scotland could not lawfully engage on the king's side even if he were deposed in England, seeing that he would not take the Covenant, or give any satisfactory answer to the propositions tendered to him for peace. Furthermore, that parliament declared that the king should not be permitted to come into Scotland, or that, if he came, his royal functions should be suspended. Seeing that all the hopes he had built on the Scotch foundation were annihilated, Charles would have flown from the Pres This house, the view of which is taken from an old print in the King's Collection, British Museum, has now been removed. From being the residence of Charles during his abode at Newwards, on coming into the possession of Major Anderson, received castle, it formerly was called the King's Lodgings, but after the name of Anderson Place. Previous to its demolition m 1836, there existed here the remains of a large conduit, which passed through the town wall, and by which, according to local | tradition, the king made an attempt to escape. byterian army. But flight was no longer possible. On the 20th of December the king wrote to the parliament of England to ask again for a personal treaty. The two houses took no notice of this message. On Christmas Day, after long debates, the lords agreed with the commons that the king should be brought to Holmby House, in Northamptonshire. The Scots had now fully made up their minds to deliver Charles to the parliament; yet, on the 14th of January (1647), they made one effort more to induce him to take their Covenant and accede to the propositions. Charles refused to do so, and again asked permission to go into Scotland with honour and freedom. This was decisive, and, two days after on the 16th of January, 1647—the parliament of Scotland gave their full consent for delivering up the king. In the meantime the English parliament had declared Episcopacy for ever abolished; and, by putting to sale the bishops' lands, money had been obtained to satisfy the claims of the Scots army. On the 21st of January the Scots signed at Northallerton a receipt for £200,000 in hard cash. On the 30th the commissioners of the English parliament-the Earl of Pembroke with two other lords and six commoners-received from the Scotch commissioners at Newcastle the person of the king, the Scots troops evacuating that town on the same day. Charles affected to be pleased with the change: he talked courteously, and even cheerfully, to the Earl of Pembroke and the other commissioners, telling them he was well pleased to part from the Scots.' While the Scottish army was re-crossing the Borders, the king journeyed by easy stages towards Holmby House, a stately mansion in a pleasant country, but at no great distance from the fatal field of Naseby. He reached the mansion on the 16th of February, and found his lodging and table and little court well furnished with everything except chaplains. In vain he petitioned to have chaplains of the Anglican church. The dominant Presbyterians sent him chaplains of their church. He seemed to bear 1 Herbert, Memoirs. By these discoveries of the king's insincerity, and by what seemed his infatuated obstinacy in refusing terms of accommodation, both nations became more and more alienated from him; the one hardly restrained from casting him off; the other ready to leave him to his fate. This ill opinion of the king forms one apology for that action which has exposed the Scots nation to so much reproach-their delivery of his person to the English parliament. Perhaps if we place ourselves in their situation, it will not appear deserving of quite such indignant censure. It would have shown more generosity to have offered the king an alternative of retiring to Holland; and from what we now know, he probably would not have neglected the opportunity. But the consequence might have been his solemn deposition from the English throne; and however we may think such banishment more honourable than the accept ance of degrading conditions, the Scots, we should remem his misfortunes with a sort of cheerful dignity; he passed his time in reading, playing chess, walking, riding, and playing at bowls. At this time it was rather the head of Oliver Cromwell than that of King Charles that seemed in imminent danger. The elections which had been recently made, to fill up vacancies in the House of Commons, had gone generally in favour of the Presbyterians, while not a few thoroughgoing royalists had found seats and friends in that house. Triumphing in their strength, the Presbyterians had proclaimed the establishment of their own form of worship to the exclusion of all others; and they had laboured, and were still labouring, to crush the many sects included under the general term of Independents. They had even resolved to disband the victorious army, and to create a new one on a Presbyterian model. The Independents in the House of Commons- the Vanes, the Martins, the St. Johns-yielded to the storm so long as it was necessary, holding themselves ever ready to profit by the blunders of their confiding adversaries. One of these blunders was the haste of the Presbyterians in getting their brethren, the Scots, out of England. In the month of February it was A.D. 1647. resolved by parliament to dismiss nearly the whole of the existing army, to retain Sir Thomas Fairfax as commander-in-chief, to allow no other officer to have a rank higher than that of colonel, and to exact from all officers an oath to the Covenant and to the government of the church as by ordinance established. Some of these votes were aimed directly at Oliver Cromwell; but they would also have excluded Ludlow, Blake, Ireton, Skippon, Algernon Sydney, and others. It was at this crisis that Ireton married the eldest daughter of Cromwell. The Hollises, the Stapletons, and the other leaders of the Presbyterians, ordered that a large part of Fairfax's forces should forthwith be shipped for Ireland; and they did this without paying, or even talking of paying the heavy arrears that were due to the soldiers. The men vowed that ber, saw nothing in the king's taking the Covenant, and sweeping away prelatic superstitions, but the bounden duty of a Christian sovereign, which only the most perverse self will induced him to set at nought. They had a right also to consider the interests of his family, which the threatened establishment of a republic in England would defeat. To carry him back with their army into Scotland, besides being equally ruinous to the English monarchy, would have exposed their nation to the most ruinous dangers. To undertake his defence by arms against England, as the ardent royalists desired, and doubtless the determined republicans no less, would have been, as was proved afterwards, a mad and culpable renewal of the miseries of both kingdoms. He had voluntarily come to their camp; no faith was pledged to him; their very right to retain his person, though they had argued for it with the English parliament, seemed open to much doubt."-Hallam, Constitutional History of England. they would not go without their old officers, that they would not be put under new and untried officers, that they would not go to die, far from their homes, of famine and disease. And forthwith the army, which was lying in and round Nottingham, broke up from their cantonments and marched upon London. that, in Ireland, they should all be under the command of the popular Major-general Skippon; but then he added the unpopular name of the Presbyterian Massey. Colonel Hammond declared, that if they had good assurance that Skippon would go, he doubted not but a great part of the army would engage. To this the Then the Presbyterians in a panic voted an officers cried out "All, all!" but others shouted assessment for paying the troops. On the fol- still louder, "Fairfax and Cromwell-give us lowing day-the 17th of March—a petition was Fairfax and Cromwell, and we all go." After a presented from the common council and Pres- vain attempt to gain over volunteers, the depubyterians of the city of London, praying that the tation returned in dismay to London. The quesarmy might be removed to a greater distance tion was adjourned from the 23d to the 27th of from the capital; complaining bitterly of a peti- April. On that day Hollis urged on his party to tion set on foot in the city by the Independents, vote that the whole army, horse and foot, should and calling for the punishment of its authors and be disbanded with all convenient speed, and six promoters. This petition of the Independents weeks' pay given upon their disbanding, and was in all respects a remarkable document-the that four of the officers should be summoned by first or the loudest call that had yet been made the serjeant-at-arms to attend at the bar of the upon republican principles. The Presbyterian house. On this very day some of the officers majority in the house, recovering somewhat from of that army presented an energetic petition their panic, voted that this Independent petition to the commons. This paper, which was a vinshould be condemned, and that the army should dication of their conduct rather than a petition, not come within twenty-five miles of London. was signed by Thomas Hammond, lieutenantA deputation was sent down to Saffron-Walden general of the ordnance, fourteen colonels and to treat with Fairfax and the officers. On the lieutenant-colonels, six majors, and 130 captains, day after their arrival at head-quarters, Fairfax lieutenants, and other commissioned officers. summoned a convention of officers; and these "The misrepresentation of us and our harmless officers plainly told the parliament commissioners intentions to this honourable house," said these that they had been ill-used, and would not sub- citizen-soldiers, "occasioning hard thoughts and mit to it; that they must have payment of the expressions of your displeasure against us, we arrears already due, and some indemnity for cannot but look upon as an act of most sad imtheir past sacrifices and services. In reporting portance." After insisting on their right of petitheir doings, or their non-doings, to the commons, tioning, they said, "We hope, by being soldiers, the commissioners mentioned a petition in pro- we have not lost the capacity of subjects, nor digress in the army. In these stormy times late vested ourselves thereby of our interests in the debates had become common. This night the commonwealth; that in purchasing the freedom house sat very late, and, "being grown thin with of our brethren we have not lost our own." They long sitting," the Presbyterians voted the peti- energetically justified their demands for money. tion of the army, which they had not seen, to be "For the desire of our arrears," said they, “necesan improper petition; and further, that those of sity, especially of our soldiers, enforced us therethe army who continued in their distempered unto. That we have not been mercenary, or condition, and went on in advancing and pro- proposed gain as our end, the speedy ending of a moting the petition, should be proceeded against languishing war will testify for us, whereby the as enemies to the state and disturbers of the pub-people are much eased of their taxes and daily lic peace. On the morrow the lords voted their adherence to the resolution. Fairfax remonstrated in a mild manner, but the army complained of the injustice of not being allowed to petition while the petitions against them were not suppressed, and the cavalry talked of drawing to a rendezvous to compose something for their vindication. On the 15th of April a deputation from the two houses again conferred with the army at Saffron-Walden. Colonel Lambert, in the name of the rest, desired to know what satisfaction the parliament had given to the queries they had put at their last meeting with the deputation. Sir John Clotworthy assured Lambert ¦ disbursements, and decayed trade restored to a 1 Rushworth. |