son; yet he declared that he would forgive the Scots if they would "acknowledge their former crimes and exorbitancies, and in humble and submissive manner, like penitent delinquents, crave pardon for the past, and yield obedience for the time to come." He also declared himself generalissimo of his own army, and claimed the attendance of all the tenants of the crown, as upon a war waged by the sovereign in person. Numerically the royal army actually collected was an imposing force-without counting the train-bands of the northern counties, or the Irish troops brought over by Strafford, or about to be sent over by the Earl of Ormond, it was 20,000 strong, and provided with 60 pieces of artillery. But it was imposing in numbers only: discipline, which can make ten men more effective than a hundred, and the hearty zeal in the cause, and attachment to the banner of their leaders, which can almost do as much, were altogether wanting. The Earl of Northumberland had been offered the post of commander-in-chief, under the king; but he declined the dangerous honour, on the ground of a very doubtful sickness, and it was conferred upon Strafford, who had really risen from a sick-bed, and was not yet cured of a dreadful attack of his old enemy the gout. Strafford, knowing that his undisciplined levies and wavering officers would be no match for the well drilled Scots, and the experienced captains that commanded them, had ordered Lord Conway not to attempt to dispute the open country between the Tweed and the Tyne, but, at all hazards, to make good his stand at Newburn, and prevent the Covenanters from crossing the latter river. But before Charles could get farther north than Northallerton, or Strafford than Darlington, Conway was in full retreat, and the Scots upon the Wear, and "that infamous, irreparable rout at Newburn had fallen out." haugh, which faced two fords, passable for infantry at low water. During the forenoon the Scots watered their horses at one side of the river, and the English at the other, without any attempt to NEWBURN, NORTHUMBERLAND.- From a sketch by J. W. Carmichael. Upon Thursday, the 27th of August, Leslie and his Scots encamped on the left bank of the Tyne, a very short distance from Newburn, at a spot called Heddon-law. That night they made great fires round about their camp. During the night they suffered any Englishman that chose to visit them, making them welcome, and assuring them that they only came to demand justice, from the king against incendiaries. In the course of the following day, Conway drew up the king's army, consisting of 3000 foot and 1500 horse, in some meadow ground close on the south bank of the river, between Newburnhaugh and Stella 1 Clarendon. annoy each other-without exchanging any reproachful language. For many hours the two forces looked at each other calmly, and without any apparent anxiety to engage. At last a Scottish officer, well mounted, wearing a black feather in his hat, came out of Newburn to water his horse in the river Tyne; and an English soldier, seeing this officer fix his eye on the English trenches, fired at him, whether in earnest or to scare him was not known, but the shot took effect, and the officer with the black feather fell woun ded off his horse. Thereupon the Scottish musketeers opened a fire across the river upon the English, and Leslie ordered his artillery to commence. The Scots played upon the English breast-works, and the king's army retaliated upon Newburn Church, till it grew to be near low water, by which time the Scottish artillery had made a breach in the greater sconce, where Colonel Lunsford commanded. The English colonel had great difficulty to keep his men to their post, for several had been killed, and many wounded, and when they saw a captain, a lieutenant, and some other officers slain, they began to murmur; and, after receiving another welldirected shot from the Scots, they threw down their arms and ran out of the fort. Leslie, fron the rising hill above Newburn, plainly perceived this evacuation, and it being then low water, he commanded his own body-guard-a troop of twenty-six horse, and all Scotch lawyers--to pass the ford, which they did with great spirit, and having reconnoitred the other sconce, or breastwork, they rode back, without coming to close quarters. Still keeping up his fire, he at length made the English foot to waver, and finally compelled them to abandon that work also. Then Leslie played hard upon the king's horse, drawn up in the meadow, and so galled them that they fell into disorder, which was greatly increased when the Scottish lawyers charged again with a body of cavalry under Sir Thomas Hope, and two Scottish regiments of foot, commanded by the Lords Lindsay and Loudon, waded through the river. Presently Leslie threw more troops, both horse and foot, on the right bank, and then Colonel Lunsford drew off all his cannon, and a retreat was sounded by the English trumpets.' After this short struggle the English fled in the greatest disorder to Newcastle. Nor did they consider themselves safe there, for the Lord Conway called a council of war, and it was resolved, at twelve o'clock at night, that the town was not tenable, and that the whole army should fall back instantly upon Durham. In the whole battle-if battle it may be called-there fell not above sixty Englishmen : it was evident that they had no mind to fight the Scots in this quarrel. believe their good fortune; but, in the afternoon, Douglas, sheriff of Teviotdale, rode up with a trumpet and a small troop of horse to the gates of Newcastle, which, after some parley, were thrown open to him. The following day, being Sunday, Douglas and fifteen Scottish lords dined with the mayor, Sir Peter Riddle, drank a health to the king, and heard three sermons preached by their own divines. Conway did not consider Durham more tenable than Newcastle: he pursued his retreat to Darlington, where he met the fiery Strafford, who, however, was fain to turn with him, and fall still farther back to Northallerton, where the standard of Charles was floating. Leslie soon quitted Newcastle, and was marching after them, so, having hastily reviewed their forces, and found them greatly diminished by desertion, the king, Strafford, and Conway all moved together from Northallerton, and fell back upon the city of York, with the intention of intrenching close under the walls of that town, and sending back their cavalry into Richmond or Cleveland, to guard the river Tees and keep the Scots from making incursions into York NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.-From an old view. shire. Leslie took Durham as he had taken Newcastle; and the Scots entered without opposition into Shields, Teignmouth, and other places. Without losing twenty men they became masters of nearly the whole of the four northern counties of England. But though the road to York seemed open to them, though the disaffection of the inhabitants was well known, they paused upon the left bank of the Tees. On the 11th of September, when the Londoners were already greatly dismayed by the notion that they should get no more coals By five o'clock on the following morning, Au- | from Newcastle, his majesty took a view of his gust the 29th, Newcastle was evacuated, and all that part of the English army in full retreat. For a time it appears the Scots could scarcely "The truth is," says Secretary Vane, in a letter to Windebank, "our horse did not behave themselves well, for many of them ran away, and did not second those that were first charged." -Hardwicke State Papers. 2 Rushworth. This laborious writer was on the spot at the time. 3 Strafford, according to Clarendon, had brought with "a body much broken with his late sickness, a mind and temper confessing the dregs of it, which, being marvellously provoked and inflamed with indignation at the late dishonour, rendered him less gracious-that is, less inclined to make himself so to the officers upon his first entrance into his charge; it may be, in that mass of disorder, not quickly discerning to whom kind army under the walls of York, and found that it still consisted of 16,000 foot, and 2000 horse, besides the trained bands of Yorkshire. "Braver ness and respect was justly due. But those who, by this time, no doubt were retained for that purpose, took that opportunity to incense the army against him; and so far prevailed in it, that in a short time it was more inflamed against him than against the enemy; and was willing to have their want of courage imputed to excess of conscience, and that their being not satisfied in the grounds of the quarrel was the only cause that they fought no better. In this indisposition in all parts the earl found it necessary to retire."-Hist. We learn from a letter of Sir Henry Vane (in Hardwicke Papers) that Strafford at this time was troubled with the stone as well as the gout. Charles, it appears, thought to revive him and reward him by giving him the blue ribbon, which was done on the 13th of September. bodies of men, and better clad," wrote Sir Henry Vane to Secretary Windebank, "have I not seen anywhere. . . . . So, if God sends us hearts and hands. . . and so as you do provide us monies in time, I do not see, though it must be confessed they [the Scots] have made but too far and prosperous advance already into this kingdom, but that, God being with his majesty's army, success will follow."1 But, to say nothing of God's blessing, which his preachers said he had, heart and money were both wanting; and the unwelcome conviction induced Charles to turn a ready ear to those who urged the necessity of temporizing with the Scots. He condescended to receive as envoy and negotiator the subjects, who clamoured for a new parliament and the redress of their own crying grievances. Twelve peers-Bedford, Essex, Hertford, Warwick, Bristol, Mulgrave, Say and Sele, Howard, YORK, from Fishergate Postern.-From a print by Lodge (1673). Lord Lanark, secretary of state for Scotland, and brother to the Marquis of Hamilton, who presented the petition of the Covenanters to his majesty. Charles, on the 5th of September, gave a gentle but evasive answer to the Earl of Lanark, telling him that he was always ready to redress the grievances of his people; that the petition he had presented was conceived in too general terms, but that, if he would return with a more specific statement of their grievances, he would give them his earliest attention. Even at this extremity, he was most averse to the summoning of a parliament: but he thought (most unreasonably) to satisfy the Scots by telling Lanark that he had already issued summonses for the meeting of the peers of England, in the city of York, on the 24th day of September. On the 8th of September the Covenanters sent Lanark a list of their grievances and conditions, expressing their great joy at learning that his majesty was beginning again to hearken to their humble petitions and desires. These demands, though respectfully expressed, were not altogether moderate; but Charles read them, pretended to entertain them, and, with indignant pride, turned to Strafford to know whether 20,000 men could not be brought over instanter from Ireland; and he looked to other quarters to see whether there were not means for resisting and chastising the Scotch rebels. But there were none: the whole nation was in discontent and ferment, and the provinces occupied by the Scots cried with an alarming voice to be released from the burden of supporting them. At the same time Charles was beset by English Hardwicke State Papers. Bolingbroke, Mandevill, Brooke, and Pagettpresented a petition to the sovereign. At the same time the citizens of London prepared a petition to the same effect. Laud and the privy council, sitting in the capital, got sight of a copy of this petition as it was being circulated for signature, and thereupon they endeavoured to stop the proceedings and terrify the subscribers. But the citizens disregarded their letter, put nearly 10,000 names to the petition, and despatched some of the court of aldermen and common council to present it to the king at York. Also the gentry of Yorkshire, when called upon to pay and support the trained bands for two months, agreed to do their best therein, but most humbly besought his majesty to think of summoning parliament. Charles now, indeed, saw that this was inevitable; and before the meeting of the peers, who had been really summoned to York as a great council, he issued writs for the assembling of parliament on the following 3d of November. Meanwhile, upon the appointed day the 24th of September-the great council of peers assembled in the dean's house near the minster at York. There Charles told them that he had called them together, after the custom of his predecessors, to ask their advice and assistance upon sudden invasions and dangers which had not allowed time for the calling of a parliament; that an army of rebels were lodged within the kingdom; that he wanted their advice and assistance, in order to proceed to the chastisement of these insolences. He then asked what answer he should give to the petition of the rebels, 2 See Laud's letter to the lord-mayor and aidermen of the city of London, in Rushworth. Rushwort and in what manner he should treat them, and how he should keep his own army on foot and maintain it until supplies might be had from a parliament. The Earl of Bristol proposed to continue and conclude the treaty with the Scots. He and other lords were confident that they could make peace upon honourable terms. While they were speaking, a packet was brought from the Covenanters to Lord Lanark, with a new petition to his majesty, "supplicating in a more mannerly style than formerly." On the following day (the 25th of September), the lords, delighted with his majesty's assurance of calling a parliament, entered into debate with great cheerfulness and alacrity. Northallerton had been agreed upon for a place of meeting between the English and Scotch commissioners, but now it was declared that Ripon would be a better place; and the English peers unanimously resolved to hold the negotiations at Ripon. Sixteen of the English peers were to act for Charles,' eight Scottish lords and gentlemen for the Covenant. Charles attempted to transfer the conferences from Ripon to the city of York; but the Scots,porary, "was this unnatural war (although the who were very cautious-who, in the midst of all armies could not as yet be disbanded) brought to their civility, had shown that they had not the a cessation." slightest confidence in his royal word-objected to putting themselves so completely in his power. Here, also, their jealousy and hatred of Strafford blazed forth. That potential, and still formidable minister was set down as "a chief incendiary," as a main cause of all these troubles, as a colleaguer with Papists, the worst foe of Scotland as of England. If the loose and inaccurate minutes of the proceedings of the great council of peers at York may be trusted, Strafford did not advise his master at this juncture to break off all negotiation and trust to force of arms; he was too keen-sighted a person not to perceive the great and growing disaffection of the English army; but another peer certainly gave something very like this resolute advice. Edward, Lord Herbert, commonly called the Black Lord Herbert, irritated at the Scots' demand of £40,000 per month, advised the king to fortify York, and dissuaded his majesty from yielding to that deuand. But this advice, though in all respects it coincided with the feelings of the king, was too dangerous to be adopted. The commissioners laboured with little effect from the 1st of October till the 16th, when they agreed upon articles for the quiet maintenance of the Scottish army for two months, for the opening of the seaports in the north and the renewal of free trade and commerce by sea and land, as in time of peace, and for the cessation of hostilities; and nothing more was settled, for all the grievances and important clauses of a definitive treaty were left untouched: and on the 23d of October-the time of the meeting of parliament approaching-it was agreed that the negotiations should be transferred from Ripon to London. The Scots were to receive or levy the sum of £850 per diem for the space of two months, beginning from the 16th of October; they were to content themselves with this maintenance, and neither molest Papists, prelates, nor their adherents;3 and by this arrangement Leslie and the Covenanters were left in undisturbed possession of Durham, Newcastle, and all the towns on the eastern coast beyond the Tees, with the single exception of Berwick. "Upon such terms," says a contem They were Bedford, Hertford, Essex, Salisbury, Warwick, Bristol, Holland, Berkshire, Mandevill, Wharton, Pagett, Brooke, Paulet, Howard, Saville, and Dunsmore; and they were to be assisted in arranging the treaty by the Earls of Traquair, Morton, and Lanark, Secretary Vane, Sir Lewis Stuart, and Sir John Burrough, who were men either versed in the laws of Scotland, or who had been formerly acquainted with this business. The Scottish commissioners were the Lords Dunfermline and Loudon, Sir Patrick Hepburn, Sir William Douglas, Alexander Henderson, the celebrated preacher, Johnson, the clerk of the general assembly, Wedderburne, and Smith. 2 Rushworth. 3 Upon the 3d of November, 1640, Charles, in evident depression of spirits, opened in person the ever-memorable Long Parliament. He told the houses that the honour and safety of the kingdom being at stake, he was resolved to put himself freely and clearly on the love and affection of his English subjects-that he was exhausted by charges made merely for the security of Eng land, and therefore must desire them to consider the best way of supplying him with money, chastising the rebels, &c., and then he would satisfy all their just grievances. And at the end of his speech he said, with great emphasis--“One thing more I desire of you, as one of the greatest means to make this a happy parliament, that you on your parts, as I on mine, lay aside all suspicion one of another: as I promised my lords at York, it shall not be my fault if this be not a happy and good parliament." But this invitation to a mutual confidence came many years too late. The court had signally failed in its endeavours to influence the elections. Of Charles's chief servants only two, Vane and Windebank, Papists of Northumberland, and from the Papists they had proceeded to bishops' tenantry and Episcopalians. A Max 6 5 Charles would not open parliament with the usual state. He, as it were, skulked to the house. "The king," says Laud in his diary, "did not ride, but went by water to King's Stairs, and through Westminster Hall to the church, and so to the house." Clarendon says with more solemnity, "This parliament had a sad and melancholic aspect upon the first entrance, which presaged some unusual and unnatural events."-Hist. 6 Charles was followed by the Lord-keeper Finch, who made an elaborate speech to show that, with the exception of the impious troubles in the north, the country was in a blessed state Some of the Scotch army thought it quite fair to plunder the that things never had been so well, and never could be better. receiving a great many petitions, both from particular persons and from multitudes, and brought by troops of horsemen from several counties, craving redress of grievances and exorbitances, both in church and state." The Lord Falkland, Sir Benjamin Rudyard, Sir Edward Deering, Mr. Harbottle Grimston, and other leading members, fell vigorously upon the system of Episcopacy, and the house presently denounced all the acts and canons which Laud had hurried through the late convocation. They attacked every part of church government -every proceeding of the pri mate in matters of religion and conscience. Sir Edward Deering compared the modern Episcopacy to Papistry, and attacked that tyrannical court which was so dear and essential to Laud. "With the Papists," said he, "there is a severe Inquisition, and with us there is a bitter High Commission; both these, contra fas et jus, are judges in their own case." He went on to show how nearly Laud's notions of supremacy and infallibility approached to those of the pope. "And herein," added he, "I shall be free and clearif one of these must be, I had rather serve one as far off as the Tiber, than to have him come to me so near as the Thames: a pope at Rome will do me less hurt than a patriarch at Lambeth.” It may readily be conceived how these things affected Laud, who shortly before had been visited by omens and misgivings, and who clearly saw ruin approaching. It was, indeed, evident that the commons believed, with Pym, that "they must not only make the house clean, but pull down the cobwebs." They debated with the had obtained seats; and the first of these was suspected of treachery, while Windebank was so odious to the people as a creature of Laud, that his presence in the house was rather hurtful than beneficial. For a long time it had been usual with the commons to bow to the king's inclina- | tions in the choice of a speaker; even in the preceding parliament they had chosen a courtier; but now, instead of Gardiner, the recorder of London, the man of the king's choice, Lenthall, a practising barrister, was hastily chosen; and the choice was approved by Charles, in ignorance of the man. Hampden, Pym, St. John, and Denzil Hollis again took their seats, and their party was wonderfully strengthened by the election of Mr. Harry Vane, the son of Sir Henry Vane, and one of the most remarkable men that sat in that parliament so wild an enthusiast in religion as to excite a suspicion of his sanity or sincerity-so acute a politician, so accomplished a statesman, as to challenge the admiration of all parties. The first thing these men did was to move for the appointment of committees of grievance and the receiving of petitions praying for their removal. | Mr. Edward Hyde (afterwards Lord Clarendon and the historian of the revolutions of the time), still of the patriotic party, brought up a crying grievance in the north, which was none other than Strafford's Court of the President of the North, or, as it was more usually called, the Court of York. The eccentric George, Lord Digby, son of the Earl of Bristol, brought up the grievances in the west-Sir John Colpepper, the grievances in the south-Waller, the poet, a fresh denunciation of ship-money, subservient judges, and the inter-same fearlessness and the same high eloquence mission of parliaments. Other petitions were presented in a more startling manner. "The first week," says Whitelock, "was spent in naming general committees and establishing them, and 1 "October 27, Tuesday, Simon and Jude's Eve, I went into my upper study to see some manuscripts, which I was sending to Oxford; in that study hung my picture, taken by the life, and, coming in, I found it fallen down upon the face, and lying on the floor, the string being broken by which it hanged against the wall. I am almost every day threatened with my ruin in parliament: God grant this be no omen."-Diary. A few days before, the archbishop notes in the same private record-"The High Commission sitting at St. Paul's, because of the troubles of the times, very near two thousand Brownists made a tumult at the end of the court, tore down all the benches in the consistory, and cried out, they would have no bishop, nor no High Commission." 2 Clarendon, Hist. 3 "The favour of the administration, as well as the antipathy that every parliament had displayed towards them, not unnaturally rendered the Catholics, for the most part, assertors of the king's arbitrary power. This again increased the popular prejudice. But nothing excited so much alarm as the perpetual conversions to their faith. These had not been quite unusual in any age since the Reformation, though the balance had been very much inclined to the opposite side. They became, however, under Charles, the news of every day; Protestant clergymen in several instances, but especially women of rank, becoming proselytes to a religion, so seductive to the timid reason and susceptible imagination of that sex They whose minds have never on the other grievances of the country; but for many days they constantly returned to the subject of religion and to the evil counsellors about the king.3 strayed into the wilderness of doubt, vainly deride such as sought out the beaten path their fathers had trodden in old times; they whose temperament gives little play to the fancy and sentiment, want power to comprehend the charm of super stitious illusions-the satisfaction of the conscience in the performance of positive rites, especially with privation or suffering -the victorious self-gratulation of faith in its triumph over reason-the romantic tenderness that loves to rely on female p tection-the graceful associations of devotion with all that the sense or the imagination can require-the splendid vestment, the fragrant censer, the sweet sounds of choral harmony, and the sculptured form that an intense piety half endows with life These springs were touched, as the variety of human character might require, by the skilful hands of Romish priests, ch'efly Jesuits, whose numbers in England were about 250, concealed under a lay garb, and combining the courteous manners of gentlemen with a refined experience of mankind, and a logi in whose labyrinths the most practical reasoner was perplexed Against these fascinating wiles the Puritans opposed other wespons from the same armoury of human nature; they awakened the pride of reason, the stern obstinacy of dispute, the names, so soothing to the ear, of free inquiry and private judgment They inspired an abhorrence of the adverse party, that served as a barrier against insidious approaches. But far different principles actuated the prevailing party in the Church of Eng |