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words, all the peculiar pretensions of the Roman See. This was in 1519. On the 15th of June of the following year, was issued the memorable Papal bull, declaring forty-one propositions extracted out of Luther's works to be heretical and scandalous; forbidding all persons to read his writings upon pain of excommunication; commanding those who had any of them in their possession to commit them to the flames; and pronouncing against their author the sentence of excommunication, with all its terrible penalties, spiritual and temporal, unless he should publicly recant his errors and burn his books within the space of sixty days. This at once placed the followers of the German Reformer and the adherents of the ancient church in hostile array. Luther, now fairly cast forth from the Roman communion, kept no measures with the power which he opposed; in reply to the pope's bull of excommunication, he boldly declared that personage to be Antichrist, and called upon all Christian princes to cast off his tyrannical and de

period he rejected and denounced. The one arti- | but, before he went, he drew up an appeal from cle of the common belief which startled him, and the pope, imperfectly informed as he then was, against which he raised his voice in the first in- to the pope, after he should have been fully instance, was the doctrine of indulgences; and even structed in the merits of the cause. It was imas to this matter he continued for some years to possible, however, that, having advanced so far, cling to the notion that his dispute was merely he should stop long at this point. Protected by with certain individuals, and by no means either the Elector Frederick, he soon after, abandoning with the pope or the general body of the church. the expectation of a fair hearing from the pope, These indulgences professed to convey, to who- made his appeal to a general council. It was soever purchased them, a release from the pains not long before he followed up this declaration of purgatory; and the very denial of their effi- by openly questioning even the supremacy ascacy implied a belief in the existence of purga-sumed by the pope over other bishops-in other tory. Luther not disputing the reality of purgatory, denied that it was competent for men, by the mere payment of a sum of money, to obtain a quittance from any part of the punishment to which they had made themselves liable by their sins. He had become convinced, from his study of the Scriptures, that their fundamental doctrine was, that the remission of sin could only be obtained by justification through faith in the sacrifice of Christ; and upon this one great principle he took his stand. When Tetzel and his associates, in their eagerness to dispose of their wares, cried them up even in terms going far beyond the professions of the document itself, Luther first exposed the delusion they were practising upon the people from the pulpit; and then published ninety-five theses or propositions directed against the whole doctrine of indulgences, which he engaged to maintain at a public disputation, on a day which he named, against any one who should oppose them by writing or word of mouth. The disputation did not take place: on the appointed day no defender of the de-grading yoke. When his own books were burned nounced indulgences appeared; but Luther's ninety-five propositions were read with avidity over all Germany; and from that hour the spirit was awakened which never again slumbered or slept till it had set up and established a new and mighty rival empire of opinion. For some time the controversy between the German monk and his opponents attracted no notice at the Vatican; at length, however, in July, 1518, Leo summoned him to appear at Rome within sixty days. His holiness was afterwards prevailed upon to appoint the hearing of the case to take place in Germany; and Luther accordingly appeared at Augsburg before the Papal legate Cardinal Cajetano, who began with an attempt to carry his point by dint of logic, but, finding that of no avail, soon had recourse to a more summary method of procedure, and commanded Luther at once to recant his heresy simply out of deference to the Apostolic See. The intrepid monk refused compliance; but even yet he made no movement towards throwing off the authority of the pope. Apprehensive of being arrested, by the advice of his friends he withdrew secretly from Augsburg;

at Rome, he retaliated by burning the volumes of the canon law at Wittenberg, in presence of the professors and students of the university and a throng of other spectators. One of the first acts of the new emperor, Charles V., was to appoint a diet of the empire to meet at Worms on the 6th of January, 1521, expressly for the purpose of putting down the new opinions. On the summons of this assembly Luther presented himself before them to defend his doctrines; the diet, however, declared him to be deprived, as an excommunicated heretic, of all his rights as a subject of the empire, and forbade any prince to harbour or protect him after the expiration of the term specified in the safe-conduct upon which he had come up. From the dangers to which he was exposed by this edict he was saved by the interposition of his friend the Elector Frederick, who caused him to be intercepted, on his way home, and carried off to the fortress of Wartburg, in which he remained concealed for nine months. But the winged words and opinions that had already gone forth from his lips and his pen were not to be recalled or chained down; their

infection spread throughout Germany and other countries with the common air that men breathed; nor, though hidden alike from his followers and his opponents, was Luther's animating voice even how unheard in the great battle he had awakened: by the aid of the press, to which he from time to time resorted while thus withdrawn from other converse with his fellow-men, he still made the fervid eloquence of his reasonings and his denouncements ring throughout Christendom.

It was at this crisis that Henry VIII. first adventured to break a lance in the contest in which he was ere long to act a part of which he now little dreamed. Throughout the earlier part of his reign, the King of England, as we have seen, was the most zealous and devoted son of the church. During three years his devotion to the Holy See was not only secured by the ascendency of Wolsey, but was, besides, fed and inflamed by other influences. His pedantry and vanity were engaged in the same cause with his deference for his great minister and favourite. The king's work was printed in a quarto volume at London, with the title, Assertio Septem Sacramentorum adversus Martyn Luther, &c. (Defence of the Seven Sacraments against Martin Luther.) Henry was amazingly delighted with the title Defender of the Faith, with which the pope rewarded his learned labours-"affecting it," says Burnet, "always beyond all his other titles, though several of the former Kings of England had carried the same title, as Spelman informs us." The whole matter, according to Strype, was contrived by Wolsey, to engage Henry the more firmly against Lutheranism, and in the putting down of the heretical books which were now brought over from the Continent in great numbers, and dispersed through the kingdom. Henry's book was immediately answered by Luther, and that in a fashion calculated to cure kings of the ambition of controversy. Not only did the sturdy Reformer throw aside all deference for the rank of his royal opponent, but he even denied him the credit of being the author of the book of which he was so vain.

But after the lapse of three or four years more, the symptoms of a great change began to appear. In 1527 Henry fell in love with Anne Boleyn, began to feel scruples about the lawfulness of his marriage with Catherine, who had now been eighteen years his wife, and urged by the said scruples and his passion together, proceeded to

1 "By a singular felicity in the wording of the title," observes

a more recent writer, "it suited Henry equally well, when he burned Papists or Protestants; it suited each of his daughters, Mary and Elizabeth; it fitted the martyr Charles and the profigate Charles; the Romish James and the Calvinist William; and at last seemed peculiarly adapted to the weak head of high church Anne."-Walpole, Royal and Noble Authors.

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take steps for getting rid of Catherine. For two years he plied every effort to get the court of Rome to go along with him in this scheme, threatening, that if he were not allowed to have his way in the matter of the divorce, England should no longer remain a Popish country. At length, in the summer of 1529, the accident of Cranmer having suggested the bold expedient of having the marriage dissolved without asking leave of the pope, at once transferred the affections and confidence of the king from Wolsey to this new adviser, causing the ruin of the one and the elevation of the other. In the following year he put forth a proclamation prohibiting the introduction into, or the publication in, the kingdom of any bull from Rome, under pain of incurring his indignation, in addition to imprisonment and the other punishments awarded to the offence by the ancient statutes. The established clergy now found the crown, hitherto their steady friend and protector, changed into a hostile power. From this point the course of Henry's ecclesiastical innovations went on at an accelerated rate. Anne Boleyn, notoriously disposed in favour of the opinions of the innovators in religion-already distinguished by the name of Protestants, which was first given to them on their protest against the proceedings of the diet of Spires, 19th April, 1530-was now Queen of England; Cranmer, the head of the English Lutherans, was Archbishop of Canterbury; he and Cromwell, another decided favourer of the new doctrines, were the king's chief ministers. In this, the height of the new tide that had set in upon the stream of affairs, all that remained of the authority of Rome was soon swept away.

To Cromwell especially belongs the credit of having been Henry's chief instrument in his next undertaking as an ecclesiastical reformer-his attack upon the monastic institutions. According to Strype, it was "the refractoriness of those of the Benedictine order to the king's proceedings" that "made him think it convenient to look a little more narrowly into their behaviour, and to animadvert upon their irregularities, of which there were reports enough: and this being resolved upon, he thought good to make one work of it, and to have all convents and religious societies besides visited also." The visitation began in October, 1535, and comprehended not only all monasteries, but all collegiate churches, hospitals, and cathedrals, and also the houses of the order of the Knights of Jerusalem. The object professed, of course, was the reformation of the lives of the monks; but the real motives appear to have been different. Concurring with the scandals that were abroad as to the relaxed discipline of the several orders, "their secret practices against the king," says Burnet, "both in the

matter of his divorce and supremacy, made him their master, Cromwell. The visitation of the more willing to examine the truth of these re- monasteries, which was, in effect, a forcing of ports." And the historian goes on to observe them one after another to surrender, was conthat, among other motives which inclined the tinued for some years, until the greater number king to the project, one was that he was appre- of them had been thus given up into the king's hensive of a war with the emperor, and was in hands; and then, in 1539, the parliament passed great want of money. The only immediate re- an act, confirming to the king and his successors sult of this first visitation was the voluntary sur- for ever both all those that had thus already rerender of six or seven of the smaller and poorer signed, and all that should be suppressed, forhouses to the crown, on the ground, as was af- feited, or given up thereafter. The effect of this firmed, of their revenues being so encumbered act was immediately to put down all the still that they must otherwise very speedily have existing monasteries in England. Altogether, by come to ruin, both in their spiritual and temporal | its operation, the possessions of 644 convents, 90 concerns. Henry's intentions may be best judged colleges, 2374 chantries and free chapels, and 110 from his deeds. Within a few months an act hospitals, were annexed to the crown. The clear was passed by parliament suppressing all religi- yearly value of all the houses thus suppressed was, ous houses whose annual revenue was less than at the rents actually paid, only about £130,000; £200, and giving their lands, rents, cattle, plate, but Burnet affirms that their real value was at jewels, and all other property, to the king. By least ten times as much. Besides this, plate, this act 376 monasteries were at once swept jewels, and goods of all kinds to a vast amount. away, and Henry was enriched by lands com- must have been obtained from this wholesale puted to be worth £32,000 per annum, and other confiscation. To enlist the popular feeling in spoils of the estimated value of £100,000, but in favour of the measure, it was given out that its reality amounting to these sums several times effect would be to relieve the king's subjects for the future from all services and taxes; and that, in place of the abbots, monks, friars, and nuns, there would be raised and maintained 40 new earls, 60 barons, 3000 knights, and 40,000 soldiers, commanded by skilful officers, out of the revenues of the abolished establishments. It was also promised both that there should be a better provision made for the poor, and that preachers should be handsomely paid to go about everywhere, and preach the true religion. "But," says Strype, "nothing of this came to pass." Of the whole of the immense revenue that accrued to the crown from the abolition of the monasteries, a fraction of about £8000 per annum only was bestowed upon the endowment of the six new bishoprics of Westminster, Oxford, Peterborough, Bristol, Chester, and Gloucester, and the substitution of canons for the disbanded monks in several of the old cathedral churches.

over.

In the following year, 1537, a new visitation was begun of all the remaining monasteries, with the design of subjecting as many of them as possible to the same fate of confiscation. This was so clearly perceived that, in a great many instances, voluntary surrenders were now made by the abbots, and other heads of houses. "There were great complaints," Burnet relates, " made of the visitors, as if they had practised with the abbots and priors to make these surrenders, and that they had conspired with them to cheat the king, and had privately embezzled most of the plate and furniture. The abbess of Chepstow complained, in particular, of Dr. London, one of the visitors, that he had been corrupting her nuns; and generally it was cried out that underhand and ill practices were used. Therefore, to quiet these reports, and to give some colour to justify what they were about, all the foul stories that could be found out were published to defame these houses." In most cases, it would seem, where the house was not recommended for total suppression, a fine or annual tax was laid upon it; and even where it was not pretended that the inmates were chargeable with any irregularities, the real object of the visitation, the extraction of money, was equally kept in view. Thus we find the nuns of the convent of Styxwold, against whom nothing appears to have been alleged, fined to the amount of 200 marks, besides an annual pension or tax of £34. But besides the fines imposed in the name of the king, there is every reason to believe that another customary mode of composition was by bribing the visitors or

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Henry may be regarded as having continued to move, in the main, in a Protestant direction throughout the period of his three Protestant marriages with Anne Boleyn, Jane Seymour, and Anne of Cleves. During this space several minor reforms were carried into effect, besides the great work of the confiscation of the monasteries. Among these, one of the most memorable was the communication to the people, under the royal authority, of the Scriptures in their mother tongue. Wyckliffe, as was formerly mentioned, had translated both the Old and the New Testament before the end of the fifteenth century; and even long before his day the whole Bible, according to a statement of Sir Thomas More, had been, "by virtuous and well-learned men, translated into

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