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she was adroit, and she possessed in her person | Balfour, and the provost of Edinburgh; but the and manner a charm which few men could resist. lords were not inclined to any composition, but She had also beyond her prison walls, and the spoke of killing the queen, whom they had found deep waters of Lochleven, friends and servants so difficult a prisoner. The two armies met on who were enthusiastically attached to her, and the 14th of May, at Langside, in the neighbourready at every moment to peril life in her behalf. hood of Glasgow, and attacked each other with Communications were opened with the islet; desperate fury. Mary remained on an adjacent bands were stationed in ambush round the loch; hill, the spectatress of the doubtful fight. Now horses were provided, the fleetest that money victory appeared to incline to her party; but could procure "On the 25th of March," writes her evil genius Morton, sweeping round an emiSir William Drury to Cecil, "she enterprised an nence with a strong detachment, charged her escape, and was the rather nearer effect through friends in flank, broke them, and decided the day. her accustomed long being a-bed all the morn- The defeated fled in all directions; and the queen ing " But notwithstanding this failure, and the herself, attended by the Lord Herries and a few consequent increase of vigilance in her keepers, other friends, rode almost without stopping to the queen repeated her attempt on the 2d of Dundrennan Abbey, in Galloway, near to KirkMay. Within the castle there was a lad of cudbright, and sixty miles from the field of battle. seventeen or eighteen, called William Douglas, Here she was brought to an awful pause. There or the "Little Douglas," who is supposed to have were only three courses open to her:-she might been a relative, either legitimate or illegitimate, remain, and throw herself upon the mercy of her both of the lord of the castle and of the Regent subjects-upon men who had shown her little Moray. He is described as being a poor and mercy; she might flee to France; or, lastly, she simple lad, who escaped suspicion on account of might seek a refuge in England. The first she his innocence and simplicity. He stole the keys naturally avoided, as what would lead to certain of the castle from the keeper's chamber, where destruction: she would have adopted the second, they were always deposited, set the queen at but there was no ship to France; and the voyage, liberty in the middle of the night, locked the whether she circumnavigated England or Scotcastle gates upon all the inmates, threw the keys land, was dangerous on many accounts, besides into the loch, led the queen with one female at that of the elements. There remained, then, tendant to a little skiff, and then rowed her to the desperate resource of a flight into England, shore. There the Lord Seton, George Douglas, and upon this she finally resolved. Her wisest and a party of the Hamiltons, received her with counsellors represented this course as the most transports of joy, and carried her in triumph to dangerous of the three; but Mary would not be Hamilton. Many of her friends were prepared; lieve her royal sister Elizabeth capable of the others came in on the morrow, and a solemn asso- conduct they surmised. The Lord Herries then ciation for her defence was drawn up and signed wrote to Lowther, the deputy captain at Carlisle, by the Earls of Argyle, Huntly, Eglinton, Craw- informing him of his queen's situation, and askford, Cassilis, Rothes, Montrose, Sutherland, Er- ing whether she might go safely into England rol, by nine barons, by nine bishops, and by many Elizabeth could not have had time to hear of the other gentlemen. These chiefs presently brought battle of Langside, and to send down positive 4000 or 5000 men into the field, and, placing the instructions, but she was certainly well informed queen in their centre, they moved from Hamil- by this time that Mary had no chance of success, ton towards Dumbarton. The Regent Moray and might have given orders in contemplation of was lying at Glasgow, holding courts of justice. a sure defeat; or, again, her officers near the BorAt first he was thunderstruck, and would not ders, who were in communication with Moray, believe in the possibility of his sister's escape. might of themselves have devised a plan for enSome of his friends advised him to retire from trapping the fugitive queen without any direct Glasgow to Stirling, and avoid an encounter; breach of promise on the part of the high authobut Moray, who was a good soldier, knew the rities. Lowther, the deputy, wrote a doubtful difference between the undisciplined host that answer, saying that Lord Scrope, the warden of followed the queen and the regular troops which that march, was at court, whither he had written; he had about him; and he also counted on the but if the queen found herself obliged to cross resources of the town of Glasgow, and the reli- the Borders he would meet and protect her till gious zeal of its inhabitants. Mary offered a his mistress's pleasure was known. Without free pardon to all save five--the Earl of Morton, waiting for this letter, Mary, with sixteen attenthe Lord Lindsay, the Lord Semple, Sir James dants, the chief of whom was the honest and

1 Raumer, Contributions to Modern History, has given part of this letter, but the whole of it is in Wright's Elizabeth and her Times.

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2 The letter was not received, it should appear, till Mary was in England; but we think that the view in which it was written is most obvious.

honour to admit her solemnly and worthily into her presence by reason of this great slander of murder; but they assured her of her highness's great affection, and that if she would depend upon her highness's favour without seeking to bring in strangers into Scotland, then undoubt

means she could for her relief and comfort. Mary agreed to send up Lord Herries to London to plead her cause with Elizabeth, and she then dismissed Scrope and Knollys, "complaining of delays to her prejudice, and the winning of time to her enemies."

gallant Lord Herries, embarked in a common fishing-boat to cross the Solway Firth; and on the evening of Sunday, the 16th of May, 1568, she arrived at Workington, in Cumberland, without money, without a change of raiment-with nothing but the tender affection of her almost helpless retinue, and her hope in the magnani-edly her highness would use all the convenient mity of Elizabeth. She immediately wrote to that "good sister," informing her of her misfortunes, and her arrival in her dominions. Some gentlemen of the neighbourhood, who probably entertained just notions of the sacred rights of hospitality, gave her a kind reception, and honourably conducted her to Cockermouth, where, On the following day, or the day after-it was on the following day, Lowther waited upon her the 30th of May-Knollys and Scrope had anwith what appears to have been a little army. other interview with Mary, who inveighed against On the following day Mary was conducted to her brother Moray and his adherents, saying. Carlisle, and lodged in the castle, not as a royal among other things, "that when she was but nine and unfortunate guest, but as a prisoner. Sir days old they had a reverent and obedient care Francis Knollys, who was sent down post to the of her, but now that she was twenty-four years north with letters and "messages of comfort" old they would exclude her from the government." from Elizabeth, greatly praised Lowther's good Knollys, who was fully aware of the main course behaviour and discretion towards her highness, which his royal mistress meant to pursue (for the in securing the fugitive queen, and in refusing to silver box, with letters from Mary to Bothwell, admit the Earl of Northumberland into Carlisle true or forged, which was afterwards brought Castle with any more company than his page. into the case, had really no weight whatever in It is evident that even at this moment Northum- Elizabeth's decision), ventured to tell the Scotberland was an object of suspicion. Knollys, tish queen that, in some cases, princes might be in mentioning that the earl met him in York- deposed by their subjects lawfully; and he menshire, says, that he had with him Sir Nicholas tioned the case of a prince falling into madness. Fairfax, Sir William Fairfax, his son, Mr. Hun-"And," added he, "what difference is there begate, and Mr. Vavasor, who were "all unsound in religion," and had been with his lordship at Carlisle. The great uneasiness of Elizabeth as to ! any communication between her royal prisoner and her own subjects professing the ancient religion, is a very significant feature in the history. Lord Scrope, the warden and governor of Carlisle, was despatched from Cork nearly at the same time as Knollys, and they both waited upon Queen Mary in Carlisle Castle, apparently on the 28th or 29th of May, having previously spoken with Lord Herries, who hoped that Queen Elizabeth would either give his mistress aid and comfort, or permit her to pass through England into France to seek relief elsewhere. They delivered their sovereign's letter, in which Mary was told that Elizabeth could not honourably receive her into her presence until she was cleared of all suspicion of being concerned in Darnley's murder. Mary had expected a different treatment." The vice-chamberlain then proceeds to She solemnly affirmed to Scrope and Knollys, that both Maitland of Lethington and the Lord Morton had been concerned in the murder of her husband, as could well be proved, although now they would seem to prosecute the murderers. The two envoys repeated that their mistress was "inwardly sorry and very much grieved" that she "could not do her that great

ment.

tween lunacy and cruel murdering?" Mary, however, had almost captivated the cautious vicechamberlain, with her beauty, and spirit, and graceful familiarity. "And yet," he says, "this lady and princess is a notable woman. She seemeth to regard no ceremonious honour besides the acknowledging of her estate regal. She showeth a disposition to speak much, to be bold, to be pleasant, and to be very familiar. She showeth a great desire to be avenged of her enemies; she showeth a readiness to expose herself to all perils in hope of victory. . . . So that, for victory sake, pain and peril seemeth pleasant unto her; and in respect of victory, wealth and all things seemeth to her contemptuous and vile. Now what is to be done with such a lady and princess, or whether such a princess and lady be to be nourished in one's bosom, or whether it be good to halt and dissemble with such a lady, I refer to your judg

recommend a bold and direct course, in order to prevent any danger to Elizabeth.' From the tone of his letter he was evidently not very particular as to the proofs which might be brought against Mary; it was only necessary to declare

1 Sir Henry Ellis has a part of this letter in his Collection, but the whole of it is given by Mr. Wright. in Queen Elizabeth and her Times.

her guilty, and so prevent any mischief to Queen Elizabeth, who, by such a sentence, would be justified in assisting the Regent Moray, and keeping his sister a close prisoner.

out waiting for their giving me a third assault, I must supplicate both the King of France and the King of Spain, if you will not have regard to my just quarrel; and they, restoring me to my place, then will I make you know their falsehood and my innocence: for if you let them conquer the country first, and then come to accuse me after, what shall I have gained by submitting my cause to you? . . . I blame no one; but the very worm of the earth turns when it is trodden upon."

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On the same day on which she wrote this letter, Mary told Knollys that she expected to be let go into France, or to be put safely into Dumbarton Castle, "unless," she added, "she will hold me as a prisoner, for I am sure that her highness will not of her honour put me into my Lord of Moray's hands." Under her circumstances, nothing could be more imprudent than her continual talk about France and Spain; but she again assured Knollys that she would seek aid in those quarters, because she had promised her people aid by August.

not do less," she continues, "than complain to you, and beg you to send for me, that you may hear my griefs, and assist me as promptly as necessity requires, or permit me to retire into France or Lord Herries did little good with Elizabeth, elsewhere. And I entreat you, as you see who induced him, in a manner, to appoint her what are the effects, do not make an unequal judge or arbitrator between Mary and her sub-combat, they being armed, and I destitute; on the jects. At his solicitation, however, the English contrary, seeing the dishonour they do me, make queen thought fit to send an agent, Mr. Middle-up your mind to assist me or let me go; for, withmore (or Meddlemore), into Scotland, to stop the civil war there; for Mary's partizans, though sorely pressed and persecuted, were not wholly discouraged by the battle of Langside, and the Earls of Huntly and Argyle were up in arms in her favour. This Middlemore, whose secret instructions were no doubt of a very different kind from that which was given out, travelled northward with Lord Herries, to the great "discontentation" of Sir Francis Knollys, who was not let into all the secret, or informed of the real object of his errand. But as soon as this Mr. Middlemore got across the Borders, he hastened rather than retarded Moray's business, and encouraged the regent in his energetic measures against those who favoured the queen. On the 21st of June the Scottish queen wrote a striking letter to her good sister and cousin, which was forwarded to London by means of a gentleman who had been despatched by the French court to ascertain the real situation of the fugitive, and the manner in which she was treated in England.' Here the captive complains that Middlemore, who was cent, as was pretended, as a safeguard to her faithful subjects, had allied himself with her enemies, who, in her presence, had destroyed the house of one of her principal barons, and who were now treating her friends and adherents more harshly than ever. "Mine enemies," she continues, "proceed still farther, and boast that they are authorized by him; and while they are executing their enterprise, which tends to the conquest of my kingdom, they abuse you, with a hope of proving to you their false calumnies, which the unequal treatment we are receiving would make me fear, if my innocence and reliance on God, who has hitherto protected me, did not give me assurance. For, consider, madam, they have now the authority which belongs to me-the sovereign power by usurpation, my property to bribe and corrupt, the finesses which are at their command throughout the country-and your own ministers, who, day by day (at least some of them), write to them and advise them what to do that they may convince you. Would to God you knew what I know of them!" "I can

As to her treatment, Mary says, in this same letter to El zabeth, "It grieves me to have so little occasion to praise the behaviour of your ministers, for of yourself I cannot and will not complain."

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66 And she said that she had found that true which she had heard often of before her coming hither, which was, that she should have fair words enow, but no deeds. . . . And, saith she, I have made great wars in Scotland, and I pray God I make no troubles in other realms also." This, if true, was another imprudence. Knollys was, or pretended to be, much startled; and he again advised a close union with Moray, throwing a little devout unction into his worldly policy and tenderness for Elizabeth. Other courtiers and statesmen did their best to increase the alarm. Sir Henry Norris wrote from Paris to warn Cecil, on the authority of an anonymous informer, that the queen's majesty "did now hold the wolf that would devour her," and that "it is conspired betwixt the King of Spain, the pope, and the French king, that the queen's majesty should be destroyed, whereby the Queen of Scots might succeed her majesty." This alarm, con sidering where Mary then was, was rather ridiculous, yet scarcely more so than some of the hundred other stories which followed in a crescendo of horrors, and which never ceased till Elizabeth had brought her rival to the block.

2 Burghley State Papers. The letter is dated Carlisle, the 21st June. Like all Mary's letters, except a very few, it is in French 3 Let er from Knollys to Cecil, dated 21st of June, 1568. Bu ghley Papers

It was soon resolved to carry her further into the realm to some place of greater safety, being "well moated round." Mary made a spirited protest, that was of no avail; and on the 16th of July she was carried under a strong escort to Bolton Castle, a house of Lord Scrope's, in the north riding of Yorkshire, not far from Middleham.' By this removal Mary was cut off from all communication with her subjects, excepting such as Elizabeth chose to admit. Sir Francis Knollys and Lord Scrope dealt very sharply with all English subjects that attempted to see or correspond with the captive, particularly if they were Papists. They thought Bolton Castle a much safer

should come into England for that purpose. She assured the English queen that she had warned her faithful subjects who were still up in arms for her to abstain from hostilities, and the seeking of any aid from France; that she herself had withheld her despatches to France and Spain, in order to avoid contracting any further obligations in those parts, desiring that if she were to be reinstated it might be only by means of the English court. The whole of this letter is cool and diplomatic, except where she speaks of Moray.' Elizabeth, however, cared little for her warmth on this head, for she and the regent had come to a perfectly good understanding. Moray, on his

side, had a confident reliance on Cecil; and he sent up his secretary, John Wood, to London, to show the minister and the queen copies of sundry secret papers. The regent, however, was not so ready as his imprisoned sister to bring matters to an issue; and though Elizabeth wrote to him to come into England with a commissioner, to treat, and to answer to the Scottish queen's complaint, he found it very easy to delay so doing till the month of October; and during all that time he was allowed to establish his own authority in Scotland, and was even assisted by Elizabeth in so doing. It will strike every reader, that there was no possibility of constituting a court to try Mary, and, until the very last moment, it was pretended that Elizabeth would merely arbitrate in a friendly manner, or that, if any party was to be tried, it should be Moray with his adherents. But Herries clearly foresaw the course which would be pursued, and he guarded against it as well as he could with forms and declarations of his sovereign's entire independence of the English crown. Elizabeth declared that if Mary would "commit her cause to be heard by her highness's order, not to make her highness judge over her, but rather as committing herself to the council of her dear cousin and friend," her highness would treat with the Scottish nobles, and bring things to a happy conclusion. Elizabeth would, for example, restore the Queen of

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BOLTON CASTLE.-From a drawing by Whittock.

place than Carlisle, but, at the same time, they suggested that their prisoner should be moved still farther from the Borders, telling Cecil, however, that Mary, though otherwise very quiet and very tractable, declared that she would not remove any farther into the realm without constraint. On the 28th of July Mary wrote another letter to Elizabeth, telling her that she relied on her former promises, and expected that she would replace her in her kingdom, when she had heard her justify her own conduct, and expose that of her enemies. She consented that Moray and Morton should be heard on the other side, as Elizabeth required, and that these two lords

Before she was removed from Carlisle she wrote once again, or oftener, to Elizabeth, whom she reminded of promises of pro

tection which she had recently sent to her in Scotland. She implored her to suffer her to depart "whithersoever it be out of this country." "I came," said she, "of mine own accord-let me depart again with yours; and if God permit my cause to succeed, I shall be bound to you for it; happening otherwise, yet I cannot blame you."-Ellis.

VOL. II.

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Scots to her royal seat, by honourable accommo- | parted still more widely from the promises which dation, the Queen of Scots agreeing, that the had been given to Mary and her agent Lord lords and all her other subjects should continue Herries. They said that, indeed, their mistress's in their honours, states, and dignities; and this desire "hath always been, from the beginning, was the promise in case of Moray making out that the said queen might be found free, specially some reason against her;" but, if Moray and from the crime of her husband's murder; neverhis party should fail in proving anything against theless, if her majesty shall find to be plainly and the queen, then her majesty Elizabeth would manifestly proved (whereof she would be very replace Mary absolutely by force of arms, Mary sorry) that the said Queen of Scots was the deagreeing in this case, and as a reward for Eliza- viser and procurer of that murder, or otherwise beth's assistance, to renounce all claims to Eng-was guilty thereof, surely her majesty would land; to convert her close alliance with France into a league with England; and to use the counsel of her dearest sister and her estates in parliament in abolishing Papistry, encouraging Protestantism, and in establishing in her dominion the Episcopal and Anglican church- an order of things considered by John Knox, and the whole body of the Puritans, as only a few degrees less idolatrous than the Church of Rome. Thus, in all cases, Mary was promised her liberty and her restoration to her kingdom. But very different language had been held in secret with Moray; to him it had been declared, that if he could establish his sister's guilt, she should never return to Scotland; and it had also been intimated that he could easily prove what he desired.

The famous commission met at York on the 4th of October. Elizabeth was represented by the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Sussex, and Sir Ralph Sadler, who was still alive and stirring, though this business was destined to embitter his old age. Mary was represented by Lesley, Bishop of Ross, the Lords Herries, Livingston, and Boyd, Hamilton, abbot of Kilwinning, Sir John Gordon of Lochinvar, and Sir James Cockburn of Stir- | ling: the Regent Moray appeared in person, attended by the Earl of Morton, the Bishop of Ork ney, the Lord Lindsay, the abbot of Dunfermline, Maitland of Lethington, James M Gill, Henry Balnaves, the Laird of Lochleven, and George Buchanan (the celebrated poet and historian). On the 8th of October the friends of Mary, as the plaintiff, were allowed to open the charges against Moray and his associates. In the afternoon of the same day Moray and his colleagues artfully said to the Duke of Norfolk, that they were "desirous to understand that, if in this action they shall prove all things directly wherewith they may and do emburden the queen, their sovereign's mother, how they be assured to be free and without danger of the said queen's displeasure, and what surety may be had for the young prince, their king, if she should be restored to her former estate?" Elizabeth's commissioners, who, against the spirit of the agreement, had allowed Moray to refuse his sister the title of sovereign, and to advance the coronation of the infant James as a constitutional act, now de

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think her unworthy of a kingdom, and would not stain her own conscience in maintenance of such a detestable wickedness by restoring her to a kingdom." Moray then declared that it was set forth and published in Scotland that Mary should be either amply restored, or otherwise by some degrees restored, and sent home amongst them, by the Queen of England. Elizabeth's commissioners, with a bold face, denied that any such promise had ever been made. But Moray was not fully satisfied, suspecting that, although the Queen of Scots were not wholly restored, yet she might, "peradventure, be relieved in some degrees by the queen's majesty, which might breed unto them no little danger." On the following day, when he and his commissioners were to give in their reasons against Mary, Maitland raised certain doubts as to the extent of the commission given by Elizabeth to Norfolk, Sussex, and Sadler:-1st, "For that they see no express words in the commission to authorize her grace's commissioners to deal in the matter of the murder;” 2dly, "That delay might be made in judgment, which would be very dangerous to them." He then, with Moray and the other commissioners of that side, moved that Elizabeth ought to be advertised of these their doubts, "specially for that it standeth them upon, and they think it very reasonable that her grace should put them in sufficient surety to be free from danger of the queen, their sovereign's mother, before they enter to declare against her." A letter was, therefore, despatched to Elizabeth, to request additional instructions.

But Moray and Maitland certainly did not wait for an answer to charge Mary with such things as, to use their own words, they had "hitherto been content rather to conceal than publish to the world to her infamy and dishonour." They secretly laid before the English commissioners translations of certain letters in French, said to have been written by Mary to Bothwell, some just before the murder of her husband, others before the seizure of her person; two contracts of marriage; and a collection of

1 Burghley Papers.

2 Burghley State Papers. The transactions of the commission at York are given day by day. · Goodall.

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