opened the way to an immediate and direct negotiation with France." In their addresses, both lords and commons expressed their cordial approbation of this mea

sure.

Lord Fitzwilliam alone, in the upper house, declared his total dissent from it, and moved an amendment, im porting," that the house, strongly impressed with the justice and necessity of the present war, carried on for the maintenance of civil and moral order in the world, and for securing the balance of power in Europe, and the independence of all states, will continue to give his majesty a vigorous support, in asserting the general cause of his majesty and his allies, and for preserving the good faith, dignity and honour of the crown, in full assurance, that no steps shall be taken inconsistent with those principles," &c. This being negatived without a division, that nobleman entered upon the journals of the house, a PROTEST, Containing no less than ten elaborate and distinct reasons for his non-concurrence in the address. This protest was generally affirmed and believed to be the pro duction of Mr. Burke, and it bears strong internal marks of his pen.

Dissentient,

I. Because by this address, unamended as it stands, the sanction of the lords is given to a series of measures, as ill-judged with regard to their object, as they are de rogatory from the dignity of his majesty's crown and from the honour of his kingdom. The reiteration of so licitations for peace, to a species of power with whose very existence all fair and equitable accommodation is incompatible, can have no other effect than that which it is notorious all our solicitations have hitherto had. They must increase the arrogance and ferocity of the common

enemy of all nations; they must fortify the credit and fir the authority of an odious government over an enslaved people; they must impair the confidence of all other powers in the magnanimity, constancy, and fidelity, of the British councils; and it is much to be apprehended, they will inevitably tend to break the spring of that energy, and to lower that spirit, which has characterized in former times this high-minded nation, and which, far from sinking under misfortune, has even risen with the difficulties and dangers in which our country has been involved.

II. Because no peace, such as may be capable of recruiting the strength, economizing the means, augmenting the resources, and providing for the safety of this kingdom, and its inseparable connexions and dependencies, can be had with the usurped power now exercising authority in France, considering the description, the character, and the conduct of those who compose that government, the methods by which they have obtained their power, and policy by which they hold it, and the maxims they have adopted, openly professed, and uniformly. acted on, towards the destruction of all governments not, formed on their model, and subservient to their domination.

III. Because the idea that this kingdom is competent to defend itself, its laws, liberties, and religion, under the general subjugation of all Europe, is presumption in the extreine, contradictory to the supposed motives for our present cager solicitations for peace, and is certainly contrary to the standing policy both of state and commerce, by which Great Britain has hitherto flourished.

IV. Because, while the common enemy exercises his power over the several states of Europe in the way we have seen, it is impossible long to preserve our trade, or what cannot exist without it, our naval power. This hostile system scizes on the keys of the dominions of these powers without any consideration of their friendship, their

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enmity, or their neutrality; prescribes laws to them as to conquered provinces; mulcts and fines them at pleasure; forces them without any particular quarrel into direct hostility with this kingdom, and expels us from such ports and markets as she thinks fit, insomuch, that Europe remaining under its present slavery, there is no harbour which we can enter without her permission, either in a commercial or a naval character. This general interdict cannot be begged off; we must resist it by our power, or we are already in a state of vassalage.

V. Because, whilst this usurping power shall continue thus constituted and thus disposed, no security whatever can be hoped for in our colonies and plantations, those in valuable sources of our national wealth and our naval power. This war has shewn, that the power prevalent in France, by intentionally disorganizing the plantation system which she had in common with all other European nations, and by inverting the order and relations therein established, has been able with a naval force altogether contemptible, and with very. inconsiderable succours from Europe, to baffle in a great measure the most powerful armament ever sent from this country into the West Indies, and at an expense hitherto unparalleled and has by the force of example, and by the effects of her machinations, produced, at little or no expense to herself either of blood or treasure, universal desolation and ruin, by the general destruction of every thing valuable and necessary for cultivation throughout several of our islands, lately among the most flourishing and productive. The new system by which these things have been effected, leaves our colonies equally endangered in peace as in war. It is therefore with this general system, of which the West India scheme is but a ramification, that all ancient establishments are essentially at war for the sake of self-preservation.

VI. Because it has been declared from the throne, and in effect the principle has been adopted by parliament,

that there was no way likely to obtain a peace commonly safe and honourable, but through the ancient and legiti mate government long established in France. That government in its lawful succession has been solemnly recognized, and assistance and protection as solemnly promised to those Frenchmen who should exert themselves in its restoration. The political principle upon which this recognition was made, is very far from being weakened by the conduct of the newly invented government. Nor are our obligations of good faith pledged on such strong motives of policy to those who have been sound in their allegiance dissolved, nor can they be so, until fairly directed efforts have been made to secure this great fundamental point. None have yet been employed with the smallest degree of vigour and perseverance.

VII. Because the example of the great change made by the usurpation in the moral and political world, more dangerous than all her conquests, is by the present procedure confirmed in all its force. It is the first successful example furnished by history, of the subversion of the ancient government of a great country, and of all its laws, orders, and religion, by the corruption of mercenary armies, and by the seduction of a multitude bribed by confiscation to sedition, in defiance of the sense, and to the entire destruction of almost the whole proprietary body of the nation. The fatal effects of this example must be felt in every country. New means, new arms, new pretexts, are furnished to ambition, and new persons are intoxicated with that poison.

VIII. Because our eagerness in suing for peace, may induce the persons exercising power in France, erroneously to believe that we act from necessity, and are unable to continue the war; a persuasion which, in the event of an actual peace, will operate as a temptation to them to renew that conduct which brought on the present war; nei ther shall we have any of the usual securities in peace, In

their treaties they do not acknowledge the obligation of the law, which for ages has been common to all Europe. They have not the same sentiments, nor the same ideas of their interest, in the conservation of peace, which have hitherto influenced all regular governments; they do not in the same manner feel public distress, or the private misery of their subjects; they will not find the same difficulty on the commencement of a new war, to call their whole force into sudden action, where by the law, every citizen is a soldier, and the person and properties of all, are liable at once to arbitrary requisitions. On the other hand, no attempt has been made to shew in what manner, whether by alliances, by force, military, or naval, or by the improvement and augmentation of our finances, we shall be better able to resist their hostile attempts after the peace than at the present hour. If we remain armed, we cannot reap the ordinary advantage of peace in economy: if we disarm, we shall be subject to be driven into a new war, under every circumstance of disadvantage, unless we now prepare ourselves to suffer with patience and submission, whatever insults, indignities, and injuries, we tnay receive from that insolent, domineering, and unjust power.

IX. Because the inability of humbling ourselves again to solicit peace, in a manner which is a recognition of the French republic, contrary to all the principles of the war; the danger of peace if obtained, the improbability of its duration, and the perseverance of the enemy throughout the interval of peace in their mischievous system, is not conjecture, but certainty. It has been avowed by the actual governors of France, at the very moment when they had before them our application for a passport. -They chose that moment for publishing a state-paper breathing the most hostile mind. In it they stimulate and goad us by language the most opprobrious and offensive. They frankly tell us that it is not our interest to desire