CHAPTER V

VIEWS OF RUSSIA AND HER ALLIES

I.

THE significance of the Russian Revolution cannot, of course, as yet be measured. But its immediate importance for the world seems to consist, not so much in the origination of new political ideas, as in putting the force of national purpose behind certain ideas already wide-spread but hitherto without power to realize themselves. The Russian statement of what terms she would fight for, and what she would not, and her demand that the Allies restate their terms, had to be taken into account.

Debate in British Parliament. The question of what the British attitude should be toward the Russian peace-formula was raised in Parliament on May 16 by Philip Snowden. He introduced a resolution welcoming the declaration of the new democratic Government of Russia,1 and calling on His

1 The declaration referred to was the Proclamation of the Provisional Government of Russia, issued April 9, and brought to the notice of the Allied Governments in a note of May 1. The Proclamation is as follows:

"The Government deems it to be its right and duty to declare now that free Russia does not aim at the domination of other nations, at depriving them of their national patrimony, or at occupying by force foreign territories, but that its object is to establish a durable peace on the rights of nations to decide their own destiny.

Majesty's Government "to issue a similar declaration for British democracy and to join with the Allies in restating the Allied terms in conformity with the Russian declaration."

If Great Britain, he said, was to continue to be allied with Russia it must set itself in line with her policy. This debate was to ascertain whether the British Government regarded the treaties made with the old imperialistic order in Russia as still binding. The real motive of the Russian Revolution was objection to continuing the war for imperialistic ambitions. He believed Russia expressed the desire of democracies in all countries. Scheidemann had declared that if France and Great Britain supported the Russian declaration and the German Chancellor refused, "there would be a revolution in Germany." The Allied note of January, he declared, was imperialism naked and unashamed.

Mr. Lees-Smith, seconding the motion, pointed out that with Russia abandoning the claim to Constantinople the next move for peace lay with Great Britain who held the key of the situation in her hands in the conquered German

"The Russian nation does not lust after the strengthening of its power abroad at the expense of other nations. Its aim is not to subjugate or to humiliate any one. In the name of the higher principles of equity it has removed the chains which weighed upon the Polish people. But the Russian nation will not allow its fatherland to come out of the great struggle humiliated or weakened of its vital forces. These principles will constitute the basis of the foreign policy of the Provisional Government, which will carry out unflinchingly the popular will and safeguard the rights of our fatherland while observing the engagements entered into with our allies."

This was interpreted in the light of current explanations as meaning no annexations and no indemnities." It was restated by the coalition Provisional Government of Russia on May 19 as "The reëstablishment of a general peace which shall not tend either toward dominion over other nations, the seizure of their national possessions, or violent usurpation of their territories peace without annexation or indemnities, and based on the right of nations to decide their own affairs."

a

colonies. If she insisted on their retention she could not ask her Allies to modify their demands. He thought a rearrangement of colonial possessions could be made which would satisfy the special desire of South Africa and Australia and at the same time satisfy all the Great Powers concerned.

Lord Robert Cecil, speaking on behalf of the Government, objected to the idea of returning the German Colonies, and dwelt on the ill treatment of the natives by the former masters. Moreover, the Government could not pledge itself to a nonannexation policy in regard to Poland, AlsaceLorraine, and Italia Irredenta. Referring to Turkish cruelty in Arabia, Armenia and Syria, he said: "The most imperialistic annexation would be of benefit to the people who suffered such crimes as that. . . . What about Belgium, Serbia, Northern France and the destruction of peaceful merchant ships? Was there to be no reparation?"

2.

It was

President Wilson's Note to Russia. hoped in Russia that President Wilson's note to Petrograd would mark substantial progress toward the adoption of the Russian terms by the Allies. This note, however, cabled on May 26 and made public on June 10, seemed clearly to range him, not perhaps against the Russian peace formula as such, but apparently against the Russian point of view.

Those in authority in Germany, he says, "in desperate desire to escape the inevitable ultimate defeat are using German Socialists ("groups and parties among their own subjects to whom they have never been just or fair or even tolerant") to promote propaganda in Europe and