tonnage of vessels cleared at that port, and he would now read the following table, giving an account of the number and registered tonnage of vessels cleared at the creeks annexed to this port in each of the four years ended the 1st of September, 1833 :—

This table showed that the commercial spirit had entered places where it was not before to be found; it showed the state of trade in small towns-a consideration of even greater importance in some respects than its condition in large cities. A similar increase would be found to have taken place in Waterford, Belfast, and Londonderry; but he would not weary the House by going into details with respect to them.

But it might be asked, if it were true that prosperity, to the extent he had mentioned, existed in Ireland, how came it that so many complaints were heard? He did not pretend to be able to account for all the complaints which were made, but he did think that he could explain some of them. It ought to be observed, that a complete alteration had been effected in the mode of doing business in Ireland. Before the introduction of steam navigation, extensive merchants were to be found at the different ports, who made large shipments, which they kept in stores, and afterwards distributed to the retail dealers throughout the country. The introduction of steam navigation had put a stop to this mode of transacting business. Every individual, however small his capital, might now trade for himself. In place of ordering 20,000lbs. of any particular article, he now only sent for 1000lbs. ; and when that was expended, he sent for another quantity of 1000lbs. This change might have been productive of evil to the great merchant, who possessed large store-houses, but it certainly was not productive of evil to the community at large. It had given such an impulse to trade and commerce as exceeded all belief; and by the competition which it had created, it had caused great relief to the consumer, whose interests, after all, ought the most to be attended to. This accounted for some of the complaints which had been talked of; but he thought that no person looking fairly at the facts, could contend that the commerce of Ireland was in any other than a satisfactory state.

Those who had heard the speech of the Honourable and Learned Member for Dublin, or had read what had been circulated through the medium of the press, were aware that no topic had been more forced on the consideration of Ireland than the relief which the repeal of the Union would give to the manufacturers of Ireland. A more powerful argument than this could not be used. It had its effect with every class-with the workmen, for it told them that they would get higher wages, and with the men out of work, for it told them that they would get employIf this argument was only believed, it was not surprising that petitions should be sent to that House praying for the repeal of the Union. He would, however, for the purpose of showing the state of manufactures before the Union, only refer to the petitions presented to the

ment.

Irish Parliament. The Honourable Gentleman here read a long list of petitions presented, previous to the Union, to the Irish Houses of Parliament, from all parts of Ireland, and all kinds of traders and manufacturers, complaining of the unparalleled distress, and for measures to reestablish the almost ruined manufactures of the country. One of those petitions was signed by builders, praying that no laws might be passed for the protection of houses against fire. [Laughter.] Absurd as such a prayer was, he confessed he did not think it a whit more unreasonable than the cry for repeal; and he believed that the latter measure would inflict more injury in Ireland, than the burning of the metropolis of that country for the gratification of the builders. [Hear.] In many instances the Irish Parliament showed that they were not influenced either by generous or wise motives. Duties were placed on cotton, woollen and worsted yarns, and actually upon coals, in order that a paltry protection might be given to a few insignificant colliers. The House would recollect the point which the Honourable and Learned Gentleman made when on this part of the subject. The Honourable and Learned Member said, that the British Parliament took credit for the abolition of the Union or protective duties, though the abolition was in favour of the English and not the Irish merchants. Never was there made a greater mistake than this. What was the effect of protective duties? To raise the price to the extent of the protection. The price being thus raised artiñcially, the Irish merchants were necessarily confined to the markets of their own country, and were of course the greatest sufferers by the imposition of these duties. He might, perhaps, content himself with this general reasoning; but, as he had it in his power, he would refer tó a petition presented from the merchants, manufacturers, and traders of Dublin to the Lords of the Treasury. The protective duties had been gradually reduced, and a period was appointed when the last reduction was to take place. It was under these circumstances, that the petitioners whom he had just named applied for the abolition of the duties. They stated

That a very considerable improvement has taken place in the trade of Ireland since the cessation of part of the Union duties, and a great increase of employment has been thereby afforded to the working classes, especially in the manufacture of calicoes and other descriptions of cotton goods; at the same time your memorialists are not aware that in any branch of manufacture the workmen engaged therein have been even partially thrown out of employment. With the test of experience, and a complete change of public opinion in favour of such a measure, your memorialists respectfully pray your Lordships to take into consideration the expediency of recommending to the Legislature in the ensuing session to repeal the remnant of the Union duties, and thereby afford to your Lordships a greater facility of placing the intercourse between the two countries completely on the footing of a coasting trade.

It, however, appeared that the Honourable and Learned Member had, with the view of obtaining support on the question of Repeal, intimated his willingness to give the people of Ireland protective duties amounting to 25 per cent. This had been distinctly stated by the Honourable and Learned Member, and it was right that the English should understand that the first proposition that would be submitted to an Irish House of Commons, would be to impose protective duties to the extent of 25 per In this country it did not suit the purpose to state that [hear, hear]. What was stated here? It was stated here, indeed, that Ireland was a country producing corn and requiring manufactures, while England was a country producing manufactures and requiring corn, and therefore

cent.

it would be most useful and advantageous that a free and liberal intercourse should take place. But in Ireland such was not the doctrine. [Hear, hear.] There the doctrine of 25 per cent protecting duty was inculcated. [Hear, hear.] In the one country freedom of trade was boasted of as a consequence of repeal, and in the other restrictions on trade. [Hear, hear.] But if it was good for Ireland to export corn, and for England to receive it, what became of the statement of the Honourable Member for Cork, that the export of Irish corn caused poverty? He considered this part of the question second in importance to none; and therefore the state of manufactures was a matter on which he wished most earnestly to fix the attention of the House. The Honourable Gentleman had, among other things, stated, that before the Union took place there had been no inquiry, The Honourable Gentleman, however, was much in error upon that point. There had, in fact, been long deliberation before a Committee of the House. There had also been an inquiry as to the state of manufactures. The Right Hon. Gentleman then read the following extracts from the evidence of Mr. Pim, &c.—

Pim.-The Irish manufacturers could not exist without a high protecting duty. The existing duties on calicoes and muslins is prohibitory. He views the manufacture as regards the manufacturer only, and not the consumer. Does not see what the consumer has to say to the question.

Orr-Existing duties near 50 per cent. ad valorem. Every wise legislature will secure that their own market shall be exclusively supplied by their home manufacturer. No Irish manufacturer would be able to send his manufacture to England.

Geohogan-Considers the superintendence of a resident Parliament necessary for the protection of the silk-trade.

Cruthwaite. Twenty sugar-houses in Ireland; ten or twelve men constantly employed in each; about seven or eight West Indian ships.

Grimshaw. If duties were reduced the manufacture would cease. For cotton printing the cost is more than 40 or 50 per cent. more than in England. Price of coals from 28s. to 32s. Labour in cotton-works dearer than in England.

Williams.-Glass: the duty is prohibitory. Difference of cost of production is 341. 128. per cent. Out of the power of the Irish manufacturer to send one item of his manufacture to England.

Such was the state of Ireland at the time of the Union, as evidenced by the representations of the manufacturers themselves. He had now to deal with the state of the manufacturers as it existed at present. He held in his hand a letter from a gentleman of the highest possible authority in Dublin, giving an account of the state of manufactures there. He said

The state of our manufacturing interest cannot well be described in any general terms. With reference to the calico-printers, for example, the factory at Stratford, so many years carried on by the Orrs, and that at Ball's-bridge, by the Duffeys, are both bankrupt, while Mr. Henry's establishment, in the same line, at Islandbridge, is in a highly prosperous state. It is conducted with such enterprise and skill, that its fabrics are in great demand in the Scotch and English markets, whither they are sent in considerable quantities. I have authority for saying that the value of the goods consigned by this house to these markets during the last year amounted to about 90,000., exclusive of the home demand. The silk trade has lately exhibited a decided improvement. The tabinet weavers are now fully employed, and the other branches are in a better condition than for these several years past; a good deal of raw silk has been lately sent from England to be thrown here and returned. Of several branches of manufacture that were formerly sustained by the artificial, and sometimes the fraudulent, advantages derived from bounties, drawbacks, and protecting duties, some have been destroyed, and others deeply injured by the discontinuance of such support. There is reason, however, to hope that some of them at least will ultimately recover. But if some of our manufactures have been prostrated, others have risen in their place, and as the

latter owe nothing to adventitious aids, but chiefly consist in the preparation of the staple products of the country, they have the best chance of stability and permanence. Of these, the export trade in porter is perhaps the most remarkablea trade which a short time ago was unheard of. A vast exportation of Dublin porter is now going on to almost all parts of England, and it is with some difficulty that the demand can be supplied. Guinness led the way, and has been followed by almost all the other brewers, Daniel O'Connell and Co. inclusive. It appears from official returns, that in the year 1797 the quantity of English ale and porter imported into Ireland was 67,188 barrels. The annual export of porter from Dublin alone now nearly equals that quantity, and at the present rate of increase will soon greatly exceed it. A considerable and increasing portion of the Irish wheat exported to England is now in the shape of flour. Since the repeal of the duties on leather, a favourable change has taken place in the nature of that trade. Raw leather is now brought from England, and the manufactured article exported thither, with every prospect of a considerable extension in this traffic. Formerly all the sheet lead, lead pipes, and shot used in Ireland, came from England; now they are manufactured at home. Within these few years past, two extensive manufactories of oil of vitriol, bleaching powders, Glauber's salts, &c., have been established near Dublin. They are in a thriving state, and export considerable quantities of those articles to England. A factory for sail-cloth, flax-spinning, &c., has been established since the Union, and exports largely to England. Nor ought the iron-works upon the Liffey, belonging to Mr. Robinson, to be overlooked, where steam-engines, metal machinery of all sorts, iron hoops, &c., are fabricated of the best description, and on an extensive scale.

But the most important department of all was the manufacture of machinery, which was extending itself generally and most rapidly throughout Ireland. And here he must say, if there was one argument more than another which showed the necessity for internal peace being restored in Ireland before the forces of improvement which her national energies afforded her could be fairly developed, it was to recall to the memory of gentlemen the different position in which a country was placed when her manufactures were carried on with the help of machinery, which previously had not been the case. [Hear, hear.] Unless there was tranquillity [hear, hear]-unless there was security for property [hear, hear, hear]-unless there was security for life [hear, hear, hear]-how could they expect that capitalists would invest their fixed capital, and expose themselves to the enormous risks inseparable from popular convulsions? [Cheers.] When manufactures were more simple, political agitation and insecurity were not productive of so much inconvenience. The peasant with a loom in his cottage either consoled himself with the thought that when an attack was made, he might escape; or if unfortunately it did come, he had not much to lose; but the capitalist, with 100,000l. to risk in mill-machinery, so long as political agitation was kept up in Ireland [hear, hear], so long as property was insecure, would not allow his home and his happiness to be disturbed and embittered by investing his money there. [Cheers.] The evil effects, then, of agitation, and the necessity for quietness and repose, were infinitely greater in a country where machinery had made progress than where manufactures were in their more simple state [hear]; and those persons who embroiled their country, incurred the responsibility of depriving that very peasantry whose interests they advocated, and for whose rights they contended, of their only means of subsistence and enjoyment. [Loud cheers.]

The Honourable Gentleman then called the attention of the House to the improvement which, since the Union, had taken place in the woollen trade in Dublin. He held a letter in his hand upon this subject, from which he would read an extract. It came from a highly respectable quarter. [Loud cries of "Name, name," from the Irish Members.]

He would not give the name; he knew too well the consequences. [Cheers.] This question was dealt with very quietly on this side of the water, but it was dealt with very differently on the other side of the channel. [Cheers.] He himself had been denounced before large meetings in Ireland. [Hear, hear.] He did not complain of it. [Hear, hear.] He only regretted that the charges had not been made in his presence. [Cheers.] Before an excited tumultuary assembly it had been said that Irishmen were the worst of all bad men, and that he (Mr. S. Rice) was the worst of all bad Irishmen [laughter and cheers], and that there was no chance of justice for any person connected with Irish trade or Irish interests, so long as he remained the servant of the public. [Cheers.] He alluded to this not in the way of debate, but as illustrative of the reason why he would not give the name in the present instance. [Cheers.] When Irishmen who refused to declare for a domestic Legislature were held up as persons contemptible and deserving execration,-when epithets, vulgar, untrue, and unjust in their application, were heaped on individuals of the highest station and respectability [cheers], it was rather too much for the Honourable Member to demand the name of the gentleman to whom he referred. [Cheers.] He (Mr. S. Rice) would not deal by persons from whom he derived valuable information so unjustly as to expose them to the execrations of their country. [Cheers.] He spoke upon the best information which he could collect [hear], and he hoped the House knew him too well to believe that he had either manufactured his evidence or given it a colouring to suit a party purpose, although he would not consent to divulge the names of those who had supplied it. [Cheers.] The Right Hon. Gentleman then read the following extract from the document referred to:

The principal seat of the manufacture of woollen cloth in Ireland was in Dublin, and its boasted extent and prosperity for many years immediately preceding the Union consisted in the employment of about 300 looms and 2,000 individuals, including spinners, weavers, dressers, and all others engaged in the manufacture. However small this number may appear, it can be shown to be tolerably correct by a knowledge of the quantity of raw material which was then to be procured. English wool was not allowed to us until the Union; Spanish had ceased to be imported for cloth-making. We had therefore none to work but Irish wool, fit only for the coarser descriptions of cloth; and the quantity grown in the whole country not exceeding at the very utmost 8,000 bags, of 50 stone each, or 400,000 stones, for all the woollen, worsted, frieze, blanket, and flannel manufactures of Ireland. Of this about one-fourth was consumed by the Dublin clothiers, the value of which, at 15s. per stone, which is a high average for the time, was only 75,000, an amount not sufficient for the supply of two moderately-sized Yorkshire factories. Previous to the introduction of carding machinery (which took place about 1793, and was adopted on a very limited scale for some years) the manufacture was at the very lowest ebb, both as to quantity and quality; but about the year 1801, machinery worked by water-power became general, and the trade immediately increased; but all attempts at improvement were impeded and counteracted by the combinations of the workmen. I must acknowledge that this was assisted by the operation of the protecting duties, which now appear to me to have been a principal cause of the continued low state of the woollen trade, and which Mr. O'Connell promises the workmen to have renewed when the Union is repealed. Those duties were truly stated by Sir Henry Parnell, in an interview with some of the manufacturers, to be a protection only to the combination, drunkenness, and indolence of the workmen, without any benefit to the employers. They enabled the men to establish such a scale of prices for their labour, that even in very lowpriced cloths, on which the duty should have been nearly a prohibition, we could scarcely compete with the English. One branch of workmen (the slubbers) were paid at a rate by which they could earn 9s. or 10s. per day, while the same kind of work was done in Leeds for 17. to 17. 5s. per week. The weavers, spinners, &c., were paid nearly in the same proportion, and no remonstrance or attempt to reduce

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