an expression of a distinguished countryman of his own, to this effect: "Wo to the man who trusted to statements of this kind as an authority for estimating the prosperity, comfort, and happiness of a people! -Wo to the man and the millions who should look to such a statement of profit and loss as a criterion of the improved condition of a nation!" The same individual also added, "that the man who so thought must have the heart of a huckster, and ought to wander like a Jew through the world, without a home or a country."

It had been urged that to repeal the Legislative Union would in effect dismember the empire. The same argument had been urged during the American war with reference to that country; but history had shown how well avenged had been the insults then offered by this country to Benjamin Franklin. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman at seme length quoted the speeches of Mr. Grattan and other distinguished Members of the Irish Legislature in support of his position. He proceeded to observe that much had been stated by the Honourable Secretary for the Treasury with reference to the jobs perpetrated by the Irish Parliament, but the Honourable Gentleman had been silent as to those committed by the Imperial Legislature since the Union. He (Mr. Ronayne), however, could not forget the grants which had been voted for the formation of the Rideau Canal -for the erection of martello towers in Ireland-of the million of money voted for the formation of the batteries at the Cove of Cork, now, as ever, useless; and the hundreds upon thousands which had been expended by the authority of Parliament in building new churches in Ireland. The Tithe Composition Bill would work a great injustice upon Ireland: it would not diminish the burdens of the oppressed people of Ireland, while, on the other hand, it was calculated to increase the ecclesiastical revenues, and benefit such lay impropriators as the Duke of Devonshire. That measure was a mere shift and expedient of the Government; but he would tell them broadly that tithes under any other name, or in any shape whatever, would no longer be paid in that country. So long as tithes in any shape were exacted, he should never feel himself to be a free emancipated man, and in Ireland there were now thousands who entertained the same sentiments, and who, though not ready to rise in arms against it, submitted in the same way as to a bandit who took his purse, because they could not help themselves. ["Hear" and a laugh.] He could not but complain, also, of the invidious manner in which the Government had met the motion of the Honourable and Learned Member for Dublin. By availing themselves of the hostility manifested by the House to the proposition, they sought by the amendment which had been moved, instead of contenting themselves with a simple negative to the question, to obtain the sanction of the House to the system of misgovernment which had so long afflicted Ireland. He could assure the House and the Government that it was not by passing such measures as the Coercion Bill of last year, and the proposed alteration in the tithe system, that Ireland could be satisfied or contented.

He must read to the House the copy of a letter (the original of which he doubted not could be found in the bureau of the Ministry), addressed by a high and distinguished personage some short time back stationed in Ireland, to the present Administration. The passage was to the effect that if the grievances of the Irish people were not removed, the King's Government would have no friends in that coun

try but the King's troops. This was not the statement of a partisan, but the written declaration of no less a personage than the late LordLieutenant, the Marquess of Anglesey, dated "Phoenix Park, October 9, 1832." The same communication also stated, "that while the people were vehemently calling for measures of relief and remedy, he was unable to answer them save by the Riot Act and the point of the bayonet." Another passage manifested how little the Noble Marquess contemplated that the Reformed Parliament would be found such willing hands-such sedulous followers of the Government, as subsequent events had shown; for the Noble Marquess added, "That he was aware of the difficulties the Government might encounter in a Reformed Parliament; he saw the possibility of the intractibility of the Reformed House of Commons, and he was aware of the composition and temper of the House of Lords. He well knew, too, that the times were now past when the Minister could determine the acts of the Legislature." It was manifest that the Noble Marquess but little anticipated the course with reference to Ireland that would be pursued by the Reformed Parliament.

He repeated that the union between England and Ireland was like that between a shark and his prey-the one swallowed up the other, and thus became indivisible. [" Hear," and a laugh.] Such a system was not consistent with justice, and it was contrary to every principle of common honesty that 7,500,000 people should be called upon to support the clergy of about half a million of population. It must not be thought that the people of Ireland were so stupified by insult and injury that they would longer submit quietly and patiently. They had, he contended, a perfect right to relieve themselves from such an unjust state of things, as soon as an opportunity offered. The people of Ireland, though oppressed, were sensitive to injustice, and would never submit to be

'Moslem slaves,

While Heaven has light or earth has graves.' ["Hear, hear," and loud cries of "Question."]

Colonel TORRENS said that he was one of those who did not regard absenteeism as an evil to Ireland; but even if it were so, he did not believe that its remedy would be found in the repeal of the Legislative Union, by which the dismemberment of the empire would be effected, and the result would be most injurious, in his judgment, to both countries. It should not be forgotten that there were two classes of absentees the absentee proprietors and the absentee labourers. Much had been said on the subject of the Irish rents being remitted to this country in the shape of provisions, but it should not be forgotten that much of these provisions were consumed by the absentee labourer to whom he had alluded. It had been said that an absentee law would speedily follow the repeal of the Union; but if this was done, it could not be supposed that the English Legislature would be slow in preventing the inundation of Irish labour into this country.

Sir H. VIVIAN observed that the interests of both countries were so completely dovetailed together, that it was impossible to separate them without destroying both. He was not an advocate for suppressing discussion on the subject, but he really thought that after this question was decided (as we understood the Honourable and Gallant Member), the penalty of a præmunire on goods and chattels should attach to the man who proposed a repeal of the Union. We

knew what the feelings of the advocates of this measure were with respect to the Church. He (Sir H. Vivian) had been an advocate for the commutation of tithes, and he had never found any man hardy enough to deny that some alteration in this particular was necessary. But the Honourable and Learned Member for Dublin had said, “ One of my objects in agitating the repeal of the Union is to deprive the church of Ireland of its enormous temporalities." [Hear.] The Honourable and Gallant Officer then proceeded to maintain that an absentee-tax would not only lead to the great injury of persons who had property both in England and Ireland, but would prevent English capital finding its way into Ireland. The Honourable Member had complained of the rents which went out of Ireland, but it must be remembered that two-thirds of those rents went directly towards the payment of the labourers and agriculturists.

Dr. BALDWIN said that it was not to the agitation of the Honourable and Learned Member for Dublin, or to any wild speeches that he might have made to assembled multitudes in Ireland, and he certainly did make some wild speeches on such occasions [a laugh], that they were to attribute the position which this question had assumed at present in that country. Those who looked deeper than the mere surface of things would see that the eagerness which the Irish people now displayed for a repeal of the Legislative Union was owing to the continued system of oppression and injustice which had been persevered in towards Ireland; it was owing to the experience which they had of the misgovernment of the Imperial Parliament. It was idle and absurd to con over the speeches made by any Member out of that House, addresses made to multitudes in Ireland, and made probably when the effervesence of the imagination was at its height. [A laugh.] By means of the Union Ireland had been deprived of many of the great stays and resources of a country-of her Parliament-of her nobility and gentry-of numerous public boards and establishments, and all the expenditure connected with them was transferred to England. He was ready to admit that he had given a pledge to his constituents on this question; but he had given it honestly and sincerely. He for one had nothing to gain by being a Member of Parliament; on the contrary, he was a great loser by the circumstance. The Gallant Officer had threatened them with force to put down the discussion of this question in Ireland. Let them marshal their armies, and if they attempted to oppress the people of Ireland and to stifle their complaints, he would say that resistance then became a duty. ["Hear, hear," from some of the Irish Members.] He for one would shed the last drop of his blood for his country. He would tell them that the Irish people were 8,000,000, and that they would not submit to be slavesthat they would not submit to be less than Englishmen. If they should attempt to put them down in the way the Gallant Officer had suggested, he would tell him that they would rise against such tyranny [Cheers from the Repealers.]

Mr. PRYME was most decidedly opposed to a separate and independent Legislature for Ireland, and maintained that it was impossible the Union between the two countries could be continued if either had the power, through its Parliament, of interfering with the policy of the other.

On the motion of an Honourable Member, the debate was then adjourned.

TUESDAY, 29th.

The order of the day for resuming the adjourned debate having been read,

Mr. MULLINS rose and said, that he found himself under the necessity of supporting the motion of the Honourable Member for Dublin. The resolutions of the Honourable Gentleman (Mr. S. Rice) were injurious to the interests of the country, and to the privileges of the House of Commons; and he should, therefore, feel himself perfectly justified in proposing an amendment to that effect, when the proper time came. It was true, that the Parliament of Ireland was corrupt; but he maintained that it was more serviceable to the commercial and agricultural interests of Ireland than an Imperial Parliament had shown itself.

Mr. JEPHSON rose, and after apologising for troubling the House through the medium of a voice rendered extremely hoarse by a violent cold (and which prevented the Honourable Member from being heard upstairs), said, that if he was induced by any reason more strongly than another to oppose the amendment of the Right Honourable Secretary to the Treasury, it was in consequence of the grounds for supporting it which had been stated by the Honourable Gentleman who seconded it (Mr. E. Tennent). If that Honourable Member's reasons were suffered to stand unrefuted and unopposed, the consequence would be that the question would speedily resolve itself into a religious controversy; and he deprecated this with all the means in his power, as much would thereby be lost to the people of Ireland, and little gained. And here let him ask the Honourable and Learned Member for Dublin, and those who supported his views-in fact, the whole body of repealers-whether they were satisfied with the position in which the question of Repeal stood now in that House?

Mr. O'CONNELL "Yes."

Mr. FEARGUS O'CONNOR-" Yes."

Several other Honourable MEMBERS in a breath-"Yes," "Yes," "Yes," "Yes."

Mr. JEPHSON-So far, good; but he could with truth say he was far from being satisfied, either with the manner in which the question had been argued by them, or fixing it on the basis on which they had placed it. He then contended that repeal would not improve the trade or commerce of the country; that it would not abate absenteeism; and that it would lead to civil war. There would be two parties in the country, and one of them would always trust for support from England. The great evil of Ireland was agitation, and that was caused by the tardy way in which the Catholic question was granted. The delay, in fact, bred a race of men who lived by agitation; and when the Catholic question was settled, they were forced to find some other on which they could exercise their talents. He trusted, however, Government would do something to abate agitation; if not, he should be forced to become a repealer in order to enjoy something like repose in his native country.

Mr. M. O'CONNELL, after alluding to the opinions urged by the Honourable Member for Mallow, and intimating that they might prevent his return on a future occasion, proceeded to contend, that although the landlords of Ireland generally were opposed to a Repeal of the Union, yet that all the intelligence of the country were in favour of it. The Honourable Member then entered into various details with a view of showing that trade had materially decreased in Dublin since the Union. The summary of these details was, that whereas, in 1800, 61,075 operatives were maintained in constant employment in Dublin; in 1833, there were only 14,446, and of these, 4412 were only casually employed. Similar evidence of decay was observable in other parts of the country. In Kilkenny, for instance, in 1800, there were 65 masters, having 330 looms, and affording constant employment to 3362 men; whilst at present there were only two or three petty masters, having 20 looms, which gave employment to only 260 persons.

Mr. PETER expressed his decided disapprobation of the motion submitted by the Honourable and Learned Member for Dublin. Those were the truest friends of Ireland, who endeavoured to procure her repose, and thus to enable the Government to carry into effect the measures which they contemplated for the amelioration of the country. The spirit of faction was the bane of Ireland, and he was glad that the empire possessed an Administration which was determined to act fairly between the two extremes. If the Government continued to do justice between both parties, and to effect reforms where they could be safely made, the beneficial results of the Union between the two countries would soon be universally acknowledged.

Mr. CHRISTMAS admitted that there were great misery and destitution in Ireland, but he did not admit that repeal would be a cure for those evils. He was prepared to admit that all the benefits which might have been expected from the Union had not been realised. But why? Because the Catholic question had been too long delayed. That it was which prevented the admission, or rather the application, of British capital to Ireland. Another cause which prevented the good effects which the Union might have otherwise produced was the admission of the Catholic freeholders to vote in 1793, which led the way to that subdivision of lands which had since been carried to so great an extent in that country. To these might be added, the change of the currency, and other causes. The Honourable Member went on to contend, that if the repeal were to be carried, there would then follow the system of protecting duties, which would have the effect of excluding the Irish corn from the British market, which would be greatly injurious to Ireland. He also contented that the attempt at repeal would, if it were carried, lead to a separation between the two countries. In this feeling, he would oppose the motion for the repeal of the Legislative Union by every means in his power.

Colonel VERNER, in opposing the motion of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, referred to the petition from Armagh which had been presented against that measure, and which showed that the people of Ireland were by no means unanimous for the repeal. The numerical majority of the people of Ireland might, in many places, be in favour of the repeal, but he would contend that the majority of the wealth and intelligence of the people was against it.

Mr. HUME said that the interest which he took in the affairs of Ireland,