to the end of the fecond μαρτυροῦντες, or ἐν τῇ γῇ that follow, in the 8th verfe; and have urged various authorities from MSS. from printed copies, from most of the verfions, and from the fathers, to fupport their conjecture. Others are as ftrong advo cates for the retention of the whole verfes, as they now ftand. And befides having, perhaps, full as large a fhare of the like authorities in their favor *, it must be confeffed, that it is difficult to conceive how the fufpected words could be furreptitiously introduced into the text without a manifeft forgery. Whereas, on the other hand, it does not feem improbable, that they might have been dropped, or omitted, through the careleffness of a transcriber, who, turning his eye from the former μapTupoutes to the latter, might write on from thence, and thus neglect the intermediate part. And when one copy was difcovered in this adulterated ftate, the Arians, and other heretics, might follow it in their manuferipts, till at length it might be received as the genuine text. "But without entering deeply into this controverfy, or ad. verting farther to what may have been urged on either fide, the main defign of thefe obfervations, is to fuggeft one plain grammatical argument in favour of the prefent received text, which I do not recollect to have feen offered before. At the 7th verfe, the three that bear record, are manifeftly perfons, and the words that exprefs two of them are mafculine ncuns, Harp and Aéyos; from whence we may naturally expect, that the ad. juncts, or adjectives, which allude to them, would be all of the mafculine gender likewife: confequently, we find the heavenly Witnefes to be denoted by the words τρεῖς εἰσιν οἱ μαρτυροῦντες, Thus far all is quite conformable to the plain rules of gram. mar. Befides, it cannot be difficult to conceive, that the facred writer, when about to exprefs the earthly Witneffes in the next verfe, might carry on the fame expreffion, or adjuncts, to that verfe and the correfpondence in the number of Witneffes, and the fimilarity of their defign in bearing witnefs to the truth of the religion of Chrift, may tend to confirm this fentiment. But if the former verfe did not precede, and fhould be rejected as fpurious, it will be hard to account for the ufe of the mafculine gender; and we fhould rather be inclined to fufpect, that the words would have been τρία εἰσι τὰ μαρτυροῦντα, as all the terms that follow to denote the earthly energies, or atteftations, are every one of the neuter gender. I confefs it appears to me, that the turn of the language, as well as the nature of the Witneffes, would require the ufe of this gender; and, therefore, the accuracy of construction, or the ftrict of rules grammar, muft favour the present text. If it fhould be fuggefted, that the word μαρτυροῦντες is equivalent to μάρτυρες, I am ready to allow, that it may be fo in fenfe or meaning; but it cannot be fo in conftruction, or in the ordinary characters of language. * This is a great mistake. I do I do not wish to enter any farther into a controverfy, which has fo long, and fo often, engaged the attention, and perplexed the understandings, of the learned world; but I would only hope, that these few hints may be allowed to have their due weight on the minds of Chriftian theologifts. "A COUNTRY.PARISH PRIEST." P. 869. "November, 1810." Though this argument is not decifive, against fo many manufcripts as have been examined, yet we have inferted it, as of too much value to be wholly relinquished. The ftate of the text, after the omiffion of the difputed words, is certainly not fatisfactory; nor is the mafculine perfonifying of thofe three neuters, πνευμα, ὕδωρ, and αἷμα, without any preceding perfonification, eafily to be admitted. Neverthelefs, Matthæi, though of orthodox principles, gives up the fuppofition of the two μαρτυρώντες. He fays, "Si in ullo codice illa verba faltem inveniffem i ty, opinari certè quis poffet, fcribam unum, alterum, plurefve, vel ab uno μapTupourTes ad alterum, vel à verbis iv T evpav ad verba Ty feciffe faltum. Sed nec illa verba comparent, nec pauci fcribæ, fed omninò omnes, diligentiffimi etiam, illum locum omiferunt." Præfat. ad Epift. Cath. If none of the loft MSS. of Stephens, nor any yet undiscovered copies, having the text, fhould ever appear, the queftion is certainly decided against it. The only reafons which lead us at all to fancy fuch a discovery poffible, are the apparent want of the words to make the whole paffage confiftent, and the arguments here cited from the unknown clergyman. All we contend is, that it should not be entirely given up. We conclude by a cordial wifh, that the Claffical Journal may continue to increase in spirit and celebrity, and may become a lafting ornament and auxiliary to literature in this country. ART. IX. The Hiftory of the Inquifitions; including the fe- AMIDST all the reasonings on either hand concerning the political power, now almost demanded by the Romanifts, 2. under under the idea of a fuppofed neceflity for conceffion, there are a few leading facts to be kept in mind, which no arguments can poffibly remove. The facts are thefe. The various perfecutions of Proteftants throughout the world, particularly in England; the maffacre of St. Bartholomew; the Irish maffacre in the reign of Charles I; the establishment and proceedings of the Inquifition in various parts of the world. These, to mention no other atrocities, are matters of hiftorical notoriety; in moft, if not all of which, both the principle and the practice were approved and fanctioned by al! that was efteemed holy and infallible, under whatever name, in the Romish Church; and founded upon doctrines which, by its moft modern defenders, are afferted to be eternal and unchangeable*. For thefe reafons we strongly approve, not the malicious or wanton, but the prudent, and, in felf-defence, almost neceffary reproduction of thefe documents. For these reasons, among others, we applauded Wordsworth's Ecclefiaftical Biography +, Dr. Comber's History of the Parifian Maffacre +, and fhould approve the appearance of any fimilar work, founded on indifputable facts, as we do of the prefent hiftory. Happy fhould we be could fuch horrors be permitted to fink into oblivion; but when power is fought by any body of men, it is neceffary to afk how their principles have directed them to use it when it was poffeffed ? Nor should any falfe delicacy drive us from this mode of defence; fince the very perfons who object to it, are at the very fame time publishing and reviving all the exploded calumnies against the Reformers or reformed, which they can poffibly find §. Obvious as it is, we cannot avoid remarking upon the confiftency of those who have always thought torments and death the fitteft treatment for Proteftants, demanding of them not only the utmoft indulgences, but influence and power. Mr. J. Stockdale, the compiler and publisher of this work, informs his readers, that he began by undertaking a tranflation of the "Hiftoire des Inquifitions religieufes" of Joseph Lavallée: but that, in his progrefs, he found it more advifeable to difmifs the idea of a mere translation, and to form rather a new work, in which fhould be collected" all the authentic information of former writers," relative to that tremendous and execrable tribunal, the Inquifition. We * See Dr. Troy's Paftoral Letter, &c. + Brit. Crit. vol. xxxvi. p. 475• Brit. Crit. vol. xxxvi. p. 476. See our review of Ward's Errata of the Proteftant Bible. Brit. Crit. vol. xxxi. P. 537. could could wish that Mr. J. S. had given, by references or otherwife, fome kind of information refpecting the parts taken from Lavallée, or from any other authorities; because in matters fo very incredible as fome of the atrocities are, which are here related, the ftrongeft fupport of teftimony is neceffary. But though the specific diftinctions are not made, the general account of the works employed is given at the end of a fhort advertisement, and in one or other of thofe every circumftance will doubtlefs be found. The work of Lavallée was published in Paris in 1809, in two volumes octavo. The other works are in general older, but all of good credit. We are forry to learn that this work has already fuffered the punishment of herefy, the chief part of the impreffion having been burned in a fire at the printing-office. There is little doubt, however, that it will be reprinted, either in the same or in a cheaper form. The work is divided into nine books, which might as well have been called chapters; for there are no smaller divifions. But in this, we prefume, the arrangement of Lavallée (whose book we have not feen) is followed. The nine books are followed by an Appendix, and Addenda, not all quite applicable to the fubject, and occupying about 140 p ges. The plates, though they might be omitted in a cheaper edition, are such in general as muft contribute to the impreffion made by the work. They are taken from various authorities. The origin of the Inquifition is traced to the perfecution of the Albigenfes in the thirteenth century. Its inventor and founder was Dominic; who, for this, and other worthy fervices, was dubbed a faint; and from his merits in this holy work, the exclusive truft was confirmed to his order of friars, the Dominicans. From this origin, favoured and nurtured by every fucceeding pope, it arose to that extensive dominion, the acts of which may be found recorded in these pages. It is true that fome countries have refused to receive the Inquifition, and others have put an end to it after being established; but it is equally true that fuch resistance has always been a kind of rebellion against the church of Rome, and a partial apoftacy from its principles. Nor has the Inquifition always been abfent where it was not legally eftablifhed. It was never established in Naples; but this, fays the prefent author, "Did not prevent the Popes from frequently dispatching into that kingdom commiffioners, who were always of the Dominican order; and thefe men executed the office of inquifitors. If any complaints were raised against them, and they were apprehenfive of fuch complaints being carried to the foot of the throne, they took took care to fecure every avenue by which they might approach; they even lavished gold, and contrived to obtain the countenance of mirifters to fecure their impunity; and Limborch informs us, that by means of their indefatigable perfeverance and art in this course, as long as the houfe of Anjou reigned, the Inquifition in fact fubfifted in France, though it was never recognized by law.” P. 407. As we do not wish to contaminate our pages by any of the horrid particulars related in this work, facts which degrade human nature, alinoft below any other view of its depravities, we will conclude with fome reflections, (whether of the editor, or one of his original authors, we cannot fay) accounting for the milder effects of the Inquifition in Italy than in Spain and Portugal, and for the fact that it did not there so much deprefs the human mind nor retard the progrefs of fcience as in the latter countries. "The state of the countries," he fays, "was very different, and must be fo in the nature of things. The Popes created the Inquifition, the Kings of Spain and Portugal adopted it; but the Popes were too wife to fuffer it to be independent of their power in Italy; they were themfelves its chiefs, they were the standing Grand Inquifitors. Thus it was neceffary that, under each pontificate, the Inquifitions of Italy fhould take a tinge from the character of the fovereign who bore the tiara. Haughty, violent, rafh, and tyrannical under the rule of thofe pontiffs, whofe bold, turbulent, and defpotic fpirits fcrupled no means to fubject the minds and inclinations of all, and to perfect their system of univerfal domination: moderate, cunning, artful, and hypocritical, when fubfervient to those whofe timidity naturally led them to fubftitute intrigue in the place of violence, and whofe lefs enterprifing temper made them dread to fhock the public opinion, and recommended to them a policy more gradual, more wary, more guided by circumftances, and more dependent upon the events, which arofe beyond their influence. Thus a thousand circumstances, in this country, intermitted or relaxed its operations. In Spain, on the contrary, it experienced none of thefe interregna. Here, governing independently of the monarch, it was but of little confequence what his character or temper might have been [might be.] Here it advanced fteadily in its career, regardless of the varying difpofitions of the kings, flattering them when it experienced their favour, making them tremble when they ventured to circumfcribe its powers. Nothing distracted it from the purfuit of its great object, which was to rule by opinion, by falfehood, and by terror; and thus its influence upon the profperity of the country, and the manners of the people, was unrestrained and unimpeded. If, as has been shewn, its principles demanded ignorance to eternize its power, it is evident that all the evils which |