observation; but beyond that boundary they rarely pass, unless for the purpose of being deposited on the shelves of a public library where they lie for ages disregarded and unknown.

The work, which is now offered to the public, labours under none of these disadvantages. It embraces a copious fund of historical and political information, which may be read with advantage in every province of the British Empire. The portion occupied by antiquarian research is necessarily confined within contracted limits, as Belfast is a town of modern creation and contains not a single object deserving the notice of the antiquary: but that which is devoted to the illustration of her history, is highly interesting and important. In this respect Belfast aspires to a conspicuous figure in the scale of the British Empire, and the acts of her inhabitants have long been the object of horror or admiration to a large portion of the civilized world. Her virtues, however, assume on comparison a decided predominancy over her vices, and the latter must undoubtedly throw but a slight stain on her character, when brought into com petition with the glorious measures in which she has so frequently and so largely participated. For where, throughout the extent of the British empire, has there existed a body of men of equal number and respectability, which has taken so lively an interest in the cause of genuine liberty, or so repeatedly stepped forward to vindicate or secure the constitutional rights of the nation. The glorious stand which they made against the arbitrary designs of Charles I. and his imperious minister Strafford (p. 12.) the daring usurpation of Cromwell, (p. 54.) and the bigotted and intolerant designs of James II. (p. 58.) must endear them to every friend of freedom. Their affec tionate reception of the glorious deliverer, King William, “ who appeared såy's Belsham) born for the purpose of opposing tyranny, persecution, and oppression, indicates the light in which they viewed the Revolution of 1688, (p. 78.) and the spirited show of opposition displayed in the year 1715 and 1745, (p. 89.) when the sons of James 11. vainly attempted to obtrude their hereditary claims on the nation, is an ample testimony of their abhorrence of "Popery and arbitrary power."" The descent at Carrickfergus in 1760 once more beheld them in arms against foreign invaders (p. 102.) and to their magnanimous exertions is Ireland indebted for the institution.

of the Volunteers, whose disinterested efforts in favour of the extension of Irish commerce and the cause of constitutional liberty will never be forgotten (p. 138.) The share which Belfast enjoyed in the promotion of these objects, is placed in a striking point of view in the Collections now offered to the public, and it must be acknowledged that the celebrated Henry Flood, on his enrolment into her First Volunteer Company, did not pronounce an overstrained compliment, when he declared, that he "had always honoured Belfast as an eminent seat of commercial and constitutional spirit, and as the fruitful parent of men worthy to be called so, by being such as they. (p. 212.) The celebration of the centenary of the glorious Revolution of 1688 once more sealed their attachment to the principles of that great event, (p. 327.) and the exultation, with which they hailed the downfal of civil and spiritual despotism in France in the year 1789, affords a decisive proof of their disinterested solicitude for the universal diffusion of liberty and peace (p. 330, 352.) Their joy was expressed by affectionate congratulations to the French patriots (p. 352, 376) and by annual commemorations of the destruction of the bastile, conducted with pomp and magnificence, and calculat◄ ed to impress on innumerable spectators, a conviction of the vast importance which they attached to this glorious occurrence, and sensations of gratitude to the divine providence" for dispersing the political clouds which had hitherto darkened our hemisphere," (p. 348 371.) But their exultation was not of long continuance. A crusade against the newly-acquired liberties of the French people was undertaken by the despots of the continent in the year 1792. It proved at first unsuccessful, and furnished our townsmen "overflowing with joy, publicly to declare their happiness at the glorious success of the French arms against innumerable hosts of enemies," (p. 383.) In the following year 1793, England joined this detestable confederacy, and the French nation, goaded into madness and desperation by fo reign enemies and domestic foes, committed the most horrible enor mities, and, after a long and desperate struggle, was finally compelled once more to receive the disgusting embrace of priestcraft and des potism. From the commencement of the history of this town to the close of the year 1790, the utmost harmony appears to have prevail. ed among the inhabitants. They were all embarked in one common cause the cause of constitutional liberty. They had seen their efforts repeatedly crowned with success, and their true line of conduct con

sisted in pressing forward with redoubled zeal for the attainment of their desires in the path prescribed by the constitution. For this purpose, a society was instituted at Belfast in the beginning of the year 1790, the sole object of which was to effect a reform of parliament on constitutional principles. (p. 334.) It was denominated the Whig Club, and in its formation Lord Charlemont had the principal share. But this mode of proceeding was now discovered to be tedious for the ardent spirit of some of our townsmen. Adopting in their utmost and dangerous extent, the principles of liberty and equality and deluded by the success which had attended the exertions of the French, they began about this period to entertain hopes of effecting an entire revolution in this country by force of arms, and of forming an independent republic, founded on the basis of universal suffrage, and the unrestrained admission of Roman Catholics to every office in the state. Such was the object which entered into the views of the leading conspirators, but despairing of being able to effect any thing without the conjunction of the Roman Catholics, they eagerly solicited the co-operation of that numerous body. Accordingly advances towards conciliation and union were made on the part of the Protestants in the summer of 1790,† which were as ardently embraced by their Roman Catholic countrymen-and" it is unquestionable (observes Thomas Addis Emmet,) that when that body saw it self likely to be supported by a considerable portion of the protestants, it manifested a perfect willingness to make common cause." operation of the press, that most important engine in popular proceeding, was employed with singular success in promoting this extraordi nary coalition. The letter of William Todd Jones to the volunteers re◄ viewed at Belfast on the 12th of July 1784 was republished and the Argument in behalf of the Catholics of Ireland by Theobald Wolfe Tone, dated from Belfast August 1, 1791. is said to have produced

The

See T. A. Emmet's Essay, p. 27, and Essays by Alexander Knox, p. 163. The original prospectus of the association of united Irishmen was circulated in Dublin in June 1791. "Its peculiar style marked throughout with that turbulent and gloomy rhetoric which had distinguished the well known Helots Letters (composed by Dr DRENNAN of this town) made it scarcely possible to doubt, that the same hand which had formerly been busied in stimulating the Ulster Volunteers, was now employed to diffuse, through the kingdom at large, a better concocted and far more deadly poison." See Essays by Alex. Knox, Lond. 1799. (p. 139) from whence may be derived much curious information relative to the real designs of the United Irishmen.

An edition of this pamphlet, to the amount of 6000 copies, was republish by the United Irishmen of BELFAST. The 5th edition is said, in the Title, to be reprinted by order of the United Irishmen, 1792. It received a solid confutation in a Tract entitled Arguments in behalf of the Romanists reconsidered. Dub. 1792.

astonishing effects on the minds of its readers. A declaration in favour of the civil rights of the Roman Catholics was immediately adopted by the first Belfast volunteer company-this resolution drew from the Romanists assembled at Jamestown and Elphin (Aug 23, 24,) others expressive of their thanks, which were forwarded to Belfast; and "this at the time almost unheeded event was the first foundation of an union, which in its progress seemed destined to strike a tremendous blow against British connexion."*

Such were the steps preparatory to the formation of the celebrated SOCIETY OF UNITED IRISHMEN, which was instituted at Belfast in the following month of October-" for the purpose of promoting a brotherhood of affection, an identity of interests, a communion of rights, and an UNION OF POWER among Irishmen of ALL religious

* Emmet's Essay, p: 15.-The Reply to the Jamestown Address having been omitted at page 358, is here inserted :

At a general meeting of all the Volunteer Companies of Belfast, held at the Linen Hall, October 4, 1791,-Resolved unanimously, That the following answer be transmitted to the Roman Catholics assembled at Jamestown the 23d, and at Elphin the 24th of August last.

Gentlemen,—It gives us the highest satisfaction to find by your letters of the 23d and 24th of August last, that the sentiments contained in our de. claration should so heartily meet your approbation; and we shall be exceedingly happy to cultivate a correspondence with you on every occasion where our joint efforts may tend to restore to Irishmen their long lost rights.

We

You are, or ought to be engaged in our cause; it is a National cause. have spoken :-We have said that the constitution of this country, if it desires or deserves to be frec, must comprehend The People. We have said that the first law is the general will, and the determination of that will must bethat every citizen, without distinction of birth, possessions, or talents, should enjoy the natural right of serving God according to his conscience, and the power of defending these rights.We have said, that no man can be free, whose life, property, and opinions are at the discretion of others, in whose appointment he has no choice, and over whose conduct he has no controul.We have said, therefore, that our great object was to effectuate an adequate representation of the people in parliament, to destroy the despotism of discretionary obligation, and to conduct the community by the impulse of its own will. Of this will, you form a great part.--If to be free, a nation has only to will it, let us will it, let all our enmities rest with the bones of our ances tors. Differing in our religion as we differ in our faces, but resembling each other in the great features of humanity; let us unite to vindicate the rights of our common nature; let the decisive and unanimous voice of the society at large, of the body of the people, the mighty and irresistible whole, be heard. It will, it must be obeyed.

(Signed)

WILLIAM SINCLAIRE, Chairman.

persuasions." (p. 358.)-And in their first declaration signed by Ro bert Simms of Belfast, they state, as their "heavy grievance," that they "have no national government," and "as its effectual remedy," they pledge themselves to procure, by all due means, a complete and radi cal reform of the representation of the people in parliament, including Irishmen of every religious persuasion. The efforts of this society were at the same time powerfully seconded by a declaration of the Catholic Society of Dublin, (signed by Theob. Mc Kenna, secretary Oct. 21. 1791.) who loudly proclaim their conviction, "that the mere repeal of the laws against them will prove but feebly beneficial, unless the act be sanctioned by the concurrence of our Protestant brethren, and those jealousies removed by which the social intercourse of private life is interrupted. It is time we should cease to be distinct nations, forcibly enclosed within the limits of one island.-Countrymen! too long have we suffered ourselves to be opposed in rival factions to each other, the sport of those who felt no tenderness for either. Why should a diversity of sentiment, so usual, where the matter in debate is abstruse or important separate those whom heaven place together for mutual benefit and consolation." But the most efficient advocate in allaying the religious animosities of the contending sects, and gradually leading the members of the new society from disaffection to treason, from treason to open insurrection, was the well known paper entitled the Northern Star, which never ceased, from its commencement in Belfast, in January 1792, until its forcible dissolution in 1797, to pursue with undeviating devotion the interests of the cause of the United Irishmen.(p.361.)

During the year 1792, the society received daily accessions of strength, and while the peaceful friends of constitutional reform were eagerly bent on the attainment of that salutary object, their United townsmen displayed the most unremitting zeal in promoting the interests of the conspiracy in which they had engaged. Innumerable declarations, addresses, and resolutions, expressive of their sentiments> were poured from the press in defiance of the menaces of the Attor ney General; Jacobin Clubs were established, (p. 388.) and the volunteers" the soldiers of liberty-were exhorted to be firm, to increase their numbers, to perfect their discipline, to unite and persevere, and as they had saved their country from foreign invasion, and rescued her from foreign legislation should a contest for liberty ever become necessary, we trust you will rescue her from interna!