which he spoke of Christ and his teachings. I have not read Mr. George's first book, 'Progress and Poverty,' but I have read some chapters of his later works, called 'Social Problems,' and in those chapters I found nothing I could censure as unsound." "Do you apprehend that the labor movement, led by Mr. George, will extend to dangerous proportions?" "I do not, so far as England is concerned. When Mr. George was here it was the workingmen in the towns who were chiefly attracted to him. The workingmen in the country said: If you nationalize our land let us have fair play and equalize our wages."" At this point the Cardinal was called away to meet a pressing engagement. It was very evident from the general tone of his conversation that the Cardinal was much impressed with Mr. Henry George as a man, and that he is much disposed to take the most liberal and considerate views of his doctrines of political economy. Rev. Dr. McGlynn, in Cambridge. At the recent celebration in Cambridge at the dedication of the Catholic Young Men's Gymnasium, Rev. Dr. McGynn delivered the dedicatory address. He spoke at great length, his remarks being punctuated with bursts of applause. He dwelt on the benefits arising from the cultivation of the body. He said that it was a physiological fact that the mind could not be sound unless the body was sound also. Manly exercise begets purity and manliness. He commended the work Fr. Scully had done, and said that it could not be estimated. The young men of this city should be thankful for having such a gymnasium as this, and Cambridge should be proud of having such an institution. He spoke of the interest he took in all physical exercise, the manly art, etc. He believed that it was eminently proper that an institution of this kind should be established in close connection with the Church, as the training of the body is conducive to good morals and productive of great spiritual benefits. God, in creating man, placed in is body an immortal soul, and it surely is right and just that the abernacle of that soul should receive every care and cultivation possible. The benefits that will arise from a sound body, which is the parent of a sound mind,-morally, mentally, and physically, will not only_be realized in this generation but in generations yet to come. The children of good robust parents are naturally good and moral, while the offsprings of vicious parents are naturally inclined to evil. It is therefore the duty of the present generation to do everything they can in the way of improving themselves mentally, morally, and physically. This building has been dedicated by his Grace the Archbishop to God, and the young men exercising in it should receive the physical training for the greater honor and glory of God. In the course of his remarks the reverend speaker expressed much surprise that he had been asked to deliver the dedicatory address. He could not seem to understand why a Gothamite should have been called upon to perform that task, while in this city of culture, which is renowned for its famous and learned scholars, there are so many better capable of delivering the address than he. In conclusion, he said that life without health was not worth living, and congratulated the members of the gymnasium, and the projector, Fr. Scully, on having such a well-equipped and appointed building for the cultivation of every muscle of the body. A Policy for Irish Nationalists. IRELAND has a perfect right not only to home rule, as advocated by Henry Grattan, Daniel O'Connell, and Charles Stewart Parnell, but to complete national independence. I admit the right of the home rulers to differ from the men who aspire to the higher good of national independence. Each seeks the good of Ireland; they only differ as to means. They have a common object, -the happiness of "the Green Isle of the Ocean." Let them not then engage in unseemly quarrels, but, like the army and navy, the two arms of the service, work on steadily in their respective spheres for the object dear to all their hearts, -the raising of the prostrate form of poor old Ireland from the dust, in which she has been trampled by the oppressor. I am well aware that there has been a good deal of crimination and recrimination about physical force and moral force. Well, let the moral-force men pursue the even tenor of their way. Let us see whether anything can be achieved by physical force. I deprecate most emphatically any rebellion in Ireland that has not the fairest prospect of success. As to the right of the Irish people to rebel under circumstances which give a fair prospect of succeeding in throwing off the English yoke, that right I hold to be undeniable. England favors rebellion in countries which are not subject to her dominion; but, as Tom Moore wittily said, England's principal is that what is patriotism in Spain is treason in Ireland,-" A rebel at Cork is a patriot at Madrid." So, then, it is success that makes the patriot, failure, the rebel. "Rebellion, foul dishonoring word, Whose wrongful blight so oft has stained How many a spirit born to bless Has sunk beneath its withering name When the Legislative Independence of Ireland was sold by the venal members of the parliament, Lord Plunket averred that by that act they resolved society into its original elements, and not a man in the country was bound to obey them; that it was merely a question of prudence whether it ought not to be resisted by force. Daniel O'Connell denied the right of the Irish nation to commit political suicide. On the tomb of each of the venal members who voted for the Act of Union might be appropriately inscribed the line "Hic venaidit auro patriam" "This man sold his country for place and pension." As to Ireland's right to national independence, that right she holds as a charter from heaven; she has the same right to independence as England, France, and America. The English Parliament has the effrontery to assert that Ireland cannot govern herself. It is impossible that Ireland should not succeed better than England in the attempt, for a more deplorable failure than England has made in its government of Ireland it is hard to conceive. And yet Irishmen of talent and eloquence, such as Burke, Sheridan, Canning, etc., have had a great share in governing England. But as the right to govern herself belongs as fully to Ireland as to England, it is none of England's business whether the Irish can govern Ireland well or ill. That is the concern of Irishmen. Ah! the right to a separate national independence is quite clear; but my readers may inquire, how is it to be obtained? Well, I must own that it would be wise to adopt a policy which will give both the moral and physical force men a chance. England will grant nothing from mere love of justice. It is preposterous to suppose such a thing. She will grant nothing unless under the pressure of fear. Let the moral-force men then keep up the parliamentary agitation, and let the bolder spirits adopt a policy which will place England in difficulties. O'Connell's maxim was "England's difficulty is Ireland's opportunity." Now let the physical-force men aid the moral-force men to gain home rule: that is a moiety of independence; it is the half-way house to freedom. Can Ireland free herself from the yoke of England? Of herself unassisted she cannot. Can she by the assistance of a foreign power? The gallant general, Thomas Francis Meagher, who admitted that Ireland could not cope single-handed with England, declared at the same time that "ten thousand Zouaves leaping upon the sands of Bantry Bay would equalize the contesting forces, and in a day give Ireland to the Irish." The celebrated Lord Jeffrey admits that Ireland, if assisted by France or America, could break loose from England; but he was of opinion, that, when the allies should have returned home, England would retake Ireland. Now at the period when Lord Jeffrey wrote thus the revolutions of Belgium and Greece had not occurred. The history of these revolutions proved that England might have found obstacles in the way of retaking Ireland. The Turk attempted to retake Greece, and the Hollander-the Dutch - attempted to retake Belgium, but they were driven back by the armies and the fleets of the powers which had guaranted the independence of Belgium and Greece. The manner in which the freedom of the Irish Parliament was destroyed is a lesson to us. Let us look to Russia for our freedom from British thraldom. Wolfe Tone went to France, and by his talent and energy obtained an army and fleet to destroy English domination. Let men of the same stamp be sent to the courts of the Great Powers. Let the Irish produce the exigency which will compel England to grant home rule, or, still better, complete national independence. There are several points where England is vulnerable,-Ireland, Canada, India, Australia, the Cape of Good Hope. Let Irishmen raise up enemies to England the world over; let the dragon's teeth grow up in armed men ; let our object be to see Ireland an independent nation, her independence guaranteed by a congress of the Great Powers, especially Russia; let there be no rebellion in Ireland until there has been an understanding with Russia. When Russia invades India the troops will be withdrawn from Ireland, then there is a chance for an Irish insurrection; but I would prefer to wait until a Russian force landed to expel the British troops and give heart and direction to the insurrectionary forces. Let us not cease until we see Ireland as free as Belgium or Greece. Burlington, N. J. REV. P. A. TREACY. The Lost Chief. OUTLINE OF THE CAREER OF GEN. JOHN A. LOGAN-SON OF AN IRISH FATHER AND SCOTCH MOTHER-A GREAT LEADER IN WAR. "Death loves a Shining Mark." FROM the lowering clouds, that like a terrible pall hanging over the nation, within the brief space of a few of the oft-recurring seasons the fatal archer has stricken down several of the most distinguished citizens of the Republic. Able men indeed, gifted intellects, brilliant soldiers, eminent statesmen, thrilling orators, writers whose pens shed unfading lustre on the pages of our times for aye, chivalrous spirits, trusted patriots, such as Tilden, Grant, McClellan, Hancock, Arthur, Hendricks, have yielded to the final dread call within the short period quoted. Even while yet the people from one end to the other of our broad land made the subject of these great losses a theme of pious and patriotic reflection, another grand one's name - John Alexander Logan-is suddenly added to the calamitous roster. Stricken down in the zenith of his aspiring and laudable ambition to be the president of sixty million people, stricken before the touch of age caused his robust and sinewy frame to tremble under the weight of crowding years, or nature's frost to touch his sable coulin, or senility to cloud his intellect or blanch the glance of his dark, commanding, eagle eye. Patriotism, statesmanship, be loved relatives, the people in person and in spirit, assemble where the "dying lamps" cast their glare upon his lifeless form: "O gallant chief of Otterburne! And thine, dark knight of Liddesdale! O fading honors of the dead! O high ambition, lowly laid!" And like that dark knight a Douglas - he was in battle the "flower of chivalry." But unlike that fiercely ambitious chief, Logan could subordinate his disappointment, nay, humiliation, to his love of country as he did when the unsuccessful parson-partisan — Gen. O. O. Howard was assigned to the command of the army of the Tennessee, to which he, "bold, Black Jack," was righfully the successor when the noble McPherson, its commander, was killed. - His death throws a deep gloom over the days of the Christmas festival. Its announcement has been a great shock to the whole country, and his sudden taking off in the full glory of a ripened manhood appears to be everywhere viewed as a calamity to the nation. The veterans of the war had no truer friend, no more persistent, potential advocate. He worked and spoke and fought in Congress and out of it for the old soldiers who fought for the Union; for their widows, their fathers and mothers, their orphans. If the gallant men who swelled the volunteer ranks, he argued, had not left their firesides, homes, and business, what would have become of the country! Now that it is saved, prosperous, and rolling up immense wealth, he wanted the needy warriors, or those whom they have left in sorrow and penury behind, to be remembered, and well remembered, from out of the nation's abundance. He formulated many plans for Congressional legislation to this effect, and no beneficial act for the relief and help of the soldiers of the war and their families but what has received his countenance and forceful support. For twenty years it has been his labor of love for his comrades, for whom, to him, in the nation nothing was too good. At his death-bedside Gen. Phil. Sheridan was present, and told afterwards with tear-bedimmed eyes of his great appreciation of the deceased soldier and statesman. "I saw him die," he said, "and it was one of the saddest experiences I have ever had. . . . His death will prove a great loss to the country. He was one of the ablest men I have ever met,—a man of fixed opinions, and one always ready and able to maintain them. Although we were both in the army during the war, we did not become personally acquainted until it was over. scene at his death-bed was particularly distressing to me. I have seen thousands of men killed in battle, but it never had the same effect on me as to stand quietly by a bedside and see a strong man's life ebb away." The Gen. "Joe" Hawley, United States Senator from Connecticut, said, when the intelligence reached him: "I am profoundly grieved. He was one of the bravest men, physically and morally, that ever lived. He was capable of any personal sacrifice in the fearless defence of what he thought right. He was absolutely incorruptible. He was intensely patriotic. He was a splendid soldier." |