But the gay and luxurious reign of Richard II. | All this extravagance in costume was bad enough; was a season at which the frenzy of fashion but one peculiarity in the fashions of the time reached its height and could go no farther. The was still worse-this was a gown reaching from male dress now consisted of a jacket so short as the chin to the heel, closed in to be thought utterly indecent, and composed of front, and furbelowed at the two different colours; and to this a pair of hose sides, so that when the forked was attached, also parti-coloured, and sometimes beard of the wearer was not of as many hues as the rainbow. The outer mantle that was thrown over this harlequinade, was as odd as the inner dress, which it was meant not to conceal but to set off; for its edges were snipped from top to bottom into the shape of leaves and other vagaries, letters and mottoes were embroidered upon it like fetiches or phylacteries; and the sleeves, which were sometimes as wide as the body itself, trailed upon the ground in full grandeur. As for the head-dresses of the men, those that are delineated in the illuminated MSS. of the period are almost as various as the heads they cover. Sometimes they resemble an old Persian HEAD-DRESSES, TIME OF RICHARD II.-(1), From Harleian seen, he might have been mistaken for a woman. We can easily imagine how the re-appearance of an exquisite arrayed in all the finery of that age would in our day be the most startling of apparitions. It is to be observed, too, that this more than feminine love of rich and showy attire was not exclusively confined to the noble and the opulent; it was imparted by CRACOWES. From the masters to their servants, as part and parcel of themselves; and they, too, ruffled along, as we are told, in suits of silk and satin, and in cloths of damask, green, and scarlet. Harleian MS. As display in dress is generally an epidemic, and as male and female fashions generally act and re-act upon each other, we can scarcely expect the ladies to have been exempted from those weaknesses in which the stronger sex so liberally indulged. The dressing of their locks and fashion of the head-covering were, therefore, continually undergoing new changes; sometimes the hair being plaited, and at others worn turned up in a net-work; sometimes adorned with natural flowers, and sometimes with wimples, that varied into every form from the simple to the ridiculous. In the same manner, the length as well as form of tiara, sometimes a Geneva skull-cap, and sometimes a sort of hat with a brim of very small dimensions. But the most fashionable kind of hat or bonnet was a high circular covering, like a lady's muff or grenadier's cap, also black in colour, and seeming, from the stiffness of its texture, to be made of some kind of felt. Not the least remarkable part of this strange costume was the shoe; and how our ancestors could contrive to walk in spite of such an incumbrance, will always be a subject of wonderment; for the toe, instead of ending with the foot, is projected about fourteen inches farther, and terminates in a sharp point. In the illuminated MSS. these shoes have an odd resemblance to radishes. We are also informed that these long extremities, which appear to have been made of elastic materials, were sometimes turned up and fastened to the knees with silver chains, and thus the wearer, if bound upon some active enterprise, could shuffle along with less impediment. These preposterously shaped shoes were called "cracowes," from Cracow in Poland, the | their dresses was altered, so that while sometimes place whence the fashion was imported by the Bohemian followers of Anne, the queen of Richard II. COURT COSTUMES, TIME OF RICHARD II.-Harleian MS. the ladies were likened to horned animals on account of their head-attire, at others they were com pared to "peacocks and magpies that trailed still shorter tails in the dirt." In the reign of Edward III. the ladies usurped an undue portion of the male attire by assuming the cote hardie, with its narrow long hanging sleeves, and a kirtle shaped like a loose jacket or surtout, bordered with velvet or fur, and ornamented with jewels; and as if this had not been sufficiently masculine, they also on gay public occasions girt themselves with small swords stuck through pouches, which they wore in front. In the reign of Richard II. splendour in female dress attained its height, so that the begemmed, bedizzened, parti-coloured beaux of the period were fully matched by the glittering belles at whom they arrayed themselves so extravagantly. It is just, however, to add that the female costume was at this time in much better taste than the attire of their admirers; and that, while it was more succinct, and better adapted to the natural figure than in former periods, it had also parted with the long sleeves that formed such unnatural appendages. In mentioning the sports of the period, those connected with war hold the most prominent place. Defensive armour had now improved from a partial covering to a complete cap-a-pie, and from chain or mail to plate armour that covered the wearer from head to foot. Adroitness in movement under such a load being only the result of long and laborious practice, it was therefore necessary to redouble those exercises in riding and in pel and quintain encounters, by which ease and dexterity could be attained; and to these was also added the graceful amusement of riding at the ring, which holds such high distinction in the festivals of the day. This consisted in carrying off upon the point of a lance a small ring suspended in mid-air, while the rider passed it at full gallop; and he who succeeded in such a difficult feat, was reckoned the most dexterous in the use of his weapon, and best able to unhorse an antagonist in real encounter. While such were the military sports of the high in rank, the commons had full occupation in acquiring dexterity in archery; and the village green was crowded with stout yeomen contending with the long bow, and striving who should send his arrow right into the centre of the target, amidst the cries of "i' the clout! i' the clout!" But of all these contentious public amusements, nothing was comparable with the tournament, which, not only in splendour, but also in generous military excitement, reduced the gladiatorial exhibitions of ancient Rome to utter barbarism and insignificance. From the long and brilliant warfare both in Scotland and France, the Eng lish had acquired an unwonted passion for these martial exercises, while the peace that followed gave ample scope and leisure for its gratification. The stirring spirits of the land must still be up and doing although peace had been proclaimed, and fight in all love and courtesy with each other, when they could do it no longer in hate and against an enemy. Happily, also, for the tournament, while it had the renowned heroes of Crecy and Otterbourne to contend in the lists, it possessed in Froissart the very Homer of chivalry, to delineate its grandeur and chro nicle its achievements. These tournaments were of various kinds. Sometimes they celebrated a private event, such as a marriage in a noble family, and sometimes a national victory, or a royal coronation: in the former case, the lists were established in the neighbourhood of the baronial castle; and in the latter, at some noted part of the kingdom, such as Oxford, or Smithfield in the metropolis. The PLATE ARMOUR, TIME OF EDWARD I.1 This figure represents Sir John D'Abernon, from a monumental brass in Stoke d'Abernon Church, Surrey. most splendid tournament that probably had ever been assembled in England, was held at Smithfield dur ing the reign of Richard II., and lasted five days, while the combatants were not only the bravest knights of England, but also those of the Continent. Every effort was wont to be made on such occasions to aggrandize the event, not only by the high renown of the warriors, who were frequently invited from every country, but the beauty of the ladies, the gorgeousness of the pavi lions, and the rich banquets with which the combats of the day were closed. The mode of combating was also various; sometimes consisting of a joust with headless lances, or a close encounter on foot with blunted two-handed swords, by which strength and address were fully exhibited, with no worse result than a few bruises, or a broken rib or two; and sometimes the spears were sharpened, and the swords edged and pointed, while the warriors closed at outrance, and often fought it out to the death. At times, also, the comba tants fought in pairs, one man taking possession of the lists and challenging every comer in succession; and at other times, it was a regular mélée, in which all the knights, arranged in two equal parties, fought as in a real field of battle. Of course, when such hot fearless spirits encountered, and when ladies looked on and applauded, each man did his uttermost, and dreadful wounds and even death was frequent, and a complete mutual extermination might have been the consequence, but for the authority of the king each other to a tilt, in which one or both might be wounded to their hearts' contentment. Any question, or even no question at all, was sufficient to kindle such inflammable souls, while spectators were always at hand to applaud every good blow. Sometimes, however, a single combat was to be fought upon more public and important grounds, and was therefore attended with a considerable share of that solemn preparation which graced the tournament. One of these related by Hector Boece, the Scottish historian, is too remarkable to be omitted. Sir David Lindsay, Earl of Crawford, and Lord Wells, the ambassador of Richard II., having differed at a solemn banquet in Scotland about the valour of their respective countrymen, resolved to settle the question in their own persons; and to make the trial more difficult as well as more conspicuous, London bridge was selected for the place of combat, while the ensuing St. George's Day (of 1390) was appointed for the day of meeting. Attended by a mighty crowd, who mustered to the settlement of this great national assize, the two champions entered these strange lists; and at sound of trumpet, rode in furious career against each other with grinded lances. But in the shock, Lindsay sat so firmly that a cry of foul play rose among the on-lookers, who declared that, contrary to the law of arms, he had fastened himself to his saddle. On hearing this, Lindsay leaped from his war horse, to show the falsehood of the charge. and then bounded once more into the saddle although laden with his heavy armour. The combat was renewed, and the second course passed with equal fortune; but in the third Lord Wells was hurled to the ground with such force, that he lay without sense or motion. On this, Earl David dismounted, embraced the fallen man to show that he had done nothing in hate but all in honour, and afterwards continued to visit his antagonist every day at his lodging, until he was healed. It was a noble and touching sequel to what we might otherwise condemn as savage or puerile. But this was not the only generous trait that softened the fierce wars of the two contending nations. When the desperate battle of Otterbourne was ended, each captor said to his English prisoner, "Sir, go and unarm you, and take your ease; I am your master;" and, adds Froissart, "they made their prisoners as good cheer as though they had been brethren, without doing to them any damage." TOURNAMENT, from the Life of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick. Ex. MS. apud Bib. Cot. Julius E. IV. or the marshal of the tournament to arrest the havoc at his pleasure. In this case, he had only to cry "Ho!" and throw down his truncheon, when the knights in an instant reined up in mid career. But even already the death-knell of these chivalrous pageants had been sounded, and an agency had risen up under which chivalry itself was to disappear; for the hidden power of "villainous saltpetre" had been brought to light, and its first terrible explosions been heard. Cannons had actually been used at the battle of Crecy; and thus a new era of destruction and civilization had commenced. Knighthood was soon to find, that barbed steeds and an ample panoply of Miian plate armour were utterly bootless in a charge against a park of artillery. Other encounters, however, than those of the regular tourney were common in such iron days of chivalry, among men who, in a season of peace or truce, were too impatient to wait for the proclamation of a regular "passage of arms." Neighbours quarrelled, and reasoned out the controversy with sword or lance; and armed kuights meeting upon the highway would often invite when, at his accession, no less than forty gauntlets were thrown upon the floor, representing as many charges of high treason, and challenges to single combat. Battles of this kind were arranged with the most scrupulous precision. After the charge had been made, and the ring or glove of challenge given and received, the day of trial was appointed by the king, and lists were paled But besides these various modes of contention, there was the ordeal combat, which formed not only an essential part of chivalry, but was incorporated with the civil institutions of almost every country in Europe. This kind of trial was a natural result of the Northern immigrations and conquests, and the Teutonic character impressed upon the renewed state of society, when in every doubtful matter, a blunt-witted but warlike peo-to the extent of sixty paces in length and forty ple had recourse to the arbitration of their swords. With a view to humanize the spirits of the Norsemen, and probably to render such combats less frequent, the clergy identified them with religion, and took them under their own especial management; and as such a mode of trial was considered a direct appeal to Heaven, they endeavoured to fence it with such solemn observances as would have been sufficient to deter most appellants from the lists. But the chivalrous spirit was not to be so restrained. Men who wore gilded spurs on their heels, and were impatient of the shadow of insult or contradiction, refused to intrust their honour to clerical keeping; and thus the ordeal combat passed away from the control of the ecclesiastical to the secular tribunals. Most of these appeals, too, were in cases of treason, and A วว in breadth, where the combatants could bestir themselves without interruption. The accuser then entered, mounted and fully armed; he thrice called on the accused, who at the third summons rode into the lists; the charge was again read, and a denial returned; and no other resource being thus left, the oaths of battle were administered, by which, among other things, the hostile parties swore that they would fight fairly without aid from magic or witchcraft, or from herb, or stone, or any charm whatever by which they might gain the victory. The combatants then betook themselves to solemn prayer, and afterwards rose in readiness for battle. As it was a life and death conflict that followed, in which one if not both was certain to fall, the battle was waged first with spears, afterwards with swords, and finally in close grapple with daggers; and when one party was at last beaten down, so as to be unable to rise or defend himself, this was fall proof of his guilt, in which case he was dragged by the heels from the lists, and generally hanged, whether quick or dead, upon a gibbet, as a convicted traitor. This kind of ordeal * combat, like the tournaments, was only reserved for knights, or squires of stainless and ancient escutcheon who were eligible for knighthood. But the commons too-men who were not entitled to fraternize with high-born chivalry-could also be charged with treason, and would give the lie to the charge; and how in such a case was the question to be settled? They, too, behoved to have their ordeal combat, although they might not wage it in chivalrous form, and therefore they were allowed to fight it out with weapons suited to their degree. In their case, therefore, the battle was fought on foot, the combatants being defended by skull-cap and habergeon, and armed with the two-handed sword, or the pole-axe and dagger. But still there were classes not conversant even with such weapons, but who were entitled to claim their full share of justice, and make it good by fair mastery and manhood. In this case, they were allowed to enter SINGLE COMBAT.-From Froissart MS. British Museum. were therefore best fitted for the decision of kings and magistrates. Challenges of this nature, which had been sufficiently frequent in England, were plentiful during the reign of Richard II., but still more so during that of his successor, the lists armed with a staff and sand-bag, and to | tury of campaigning in Scotland. In this manmaul each other to death, or at least into a frank ner, therefore, the English nobility recruited their confession. Here the readers of Shakspeare will fortunes or acquired new ones, and the headlong remember the case of the armourer and his man, expenditure of the day had a fearful effect upon mentioned in the second part of Henry VI., which the coffers of France. was a veritable incident. With these chivalrous pastimes, combined with hunting, hawking, and gaming, the aristocracy of England found full occupation for whatever intervals they enjoyed during this eventful period. As chivalry also promoted a love of splendour, this tendency was exhibited not only in rich armour and gay changeful attire, but in nume KNIGHT OF THE TIME, TRAVELLING COSTUME.-Froissart MS. British Museum. rous throngs of attendants, and a sumptuous style of living, in which the highest endeavoured to excel their equals, and inferiors to vie with those above them. This expensive competition will serve, independently of other motives, to show why a war with France was in greater favour with the English nobility than one with Scotland. According to the chivalrous mode of warfare, while the rascal multitude were hewn down without mercy, squires, knights, and men of high degree were taken prisoners, and allowed to compound for their deliverance; and thus war was the exchequer of the brave and daring, with which they could repair their estates and maintain their expensive style of living. But while little in this way was to be got from the Scots, it was different in the case of the French, whose dukes, counts, and chevaliers were so wealthy, that "egregious ranson" was certain to be obtained from them; and in this way, one such victory as that of Poictiers, besides the glory of the action, was more profitable than half a cen Among the rivalries in rich living by which this era was distinguished, nothing was more natural than that the banquet should rank next in importance to the tournament itself. What, indeed, was the spoil of victory worth without enjoying it? and where could it better be enjoyed by a still unintellectual people than at the festive board? Brave men accordingly were signalized not only by their feats in arms, but their sumptuous and frequent dinners, and the crowds of noble guests who assembled to enjoy them. It is no wonder, therefore, if we find that in the middle of the thirteenth century, at the marriage feast of Richard, Earl of Cornwall, 30,000 dishes were served up at table; and that next century, a monk on being promoted to an abbacy, celebrated his installation by a banquet of 3000 dishes. In the same century, also, Thomas, Earl of Lancaster, spent the enormous sum of 22,000 pounds of silver in house-keeping in one year, while the drain of his cellar amounted to 371 pipes of wine. What was the style of cookery that prevailed at these banquets we still are unable distinctly to ascertain; but the dishes were sufficiently artificial, and so highly seasoned, that they are described as "brenning with wildfire." It was to be expected that in such a style of living Norman abstinence should at last give way, and accordingly, besides the two meals a-day, which were now protracted to an unwonted length, sundry refections, which served as apologies for dainty eating and drinking, were served up during the course of the day. But of the manners, habits, costume, and external characteristics of the various classes of English society at this period and towards its close, no account can equal that which Chaucer has given in his "Prologue" to the Canterbury Tales. The scene is the Tabard inn, the date of meeting 1383, and the persons assembled twentynine men and women, the representatives of different classes of society, who are all bound on a pilgrimage to the tomb of Thomas à Becket. The growth of inns had already been rapid in our comfort-loving metropolis, when we find that during the time of Fitz-Stephen it had nothing better than a single cook-shop, a fact which he quotes as a striking proof of the civilization to which London had already attained. 'Here," he says, "according to the season, you may find victuals of all kinds, roasted, baked, fried, and boiled; fish, large and small; and coarse viands for the poorer sort, and more delicate ones for the rich, such as venison, fowls, 66 |