trial before the convocation held in London, of which mention has been made in another portion of our history, and where he would probably have been consigned to martyrdom, but for the effectual patronage of the Duke of Lancaster and Lord Percy. Even at this early period, as we are told by Walsingham, nearly all the Londoners were Lollards-a reproachful term by which the followers of Wyckliffe had begun to be distinguished. In the following year (1378) he was again summoned to answer for his writings and opinions before a synod held at Lambeth; but on this occasion the citizens of London, alarmed for his safety, assembled in great multitudes round the place of meeting, so that the trial was abandoned. His life of labour and anxiety, however, his literary conflicts, in which he stood alone against a formidable and merciless hierarchy, and the persecution that continually hung over his head, had so weakened his health, that soon afterwards he sickened at Oxford, and it was hoped by his enemies that he could not recover. In this case, the mendicant friars, hoping to extort a retractation of the bitter truths he had written against them, sent a deputation, who exhorted him to repent, and make confession of his errors. Having heard them to an end, the apparently exhausted man caused himself to be raised in the bed by his servant, and fixing his eyes upon the tormenting monitors, he exclaimed in a deep determined voice, "I shall not die, but live, and again declare the evil deeds of the friars." The crest-fallen deputies hastily retired, and Wyckliffe recovered from his ailment. transcribed, and the inquiry they must have awoke, is attested by the fact, that at Prague, 200 volumes of works attributed to him were condemned to the flames. Of course, many of these volumes would now only class as pamph lets; but collectively, their bulk would equal the voluminous writings of St. Augustine. Much indeed has been said of their contradictory character, and their obscurity; but when it is remembered at how early a period he appeared, how much he was isolated from those sources by which his successors were enlightened and confirmed, and how much he was obliged to attempt, the marvel rather is, that he should have written so clearly and so truthfully. The Lollardism of England, and the Hussite doctrines of Bohemia and Germany, by which the Refor mation of Europe was heralded and prepared, may be traced to the pulpit and the parsonage study of Lutterworth. The death of Wyckliffe was in character with his life and actions: it was at his post, and LUTTERWORTH CHURCH.-From Nichols' Leicestershire. It was as the rector of Lutterworth, to which clerical office he had been presented in 1375, that Wyckliffe was chiefly known in England, and afterwards to the world at large, as a Reformer and controversialist. While his preaching to the flock of this little town, as appears from certain homilies in manuscript still extant, consisted chiefly of expositions of the errors of the established religious system, he was still more at pains to show them the better way, as it was unfolded in the authoritative pages of revelation. But while the pulpit of Lutterworth was thus the centre of irradiation for England, to the remotest parts of which his doctrines were gradually carried, the writings which his unwearied pen produced were disseminated over Europe at large. The zeal with which they were while employed in his sacred duties. At the age of fifty-eight his manifold toils and anxieties had brought on paralysis, from which he never fully recovered; and two years afterwards, on the 28th or 29th of December, 1384, while engaged in the service of the church at Lutterworth, he was attacked by a stroke of palsy, of which he expired on the 31st of the same month. Thus he died in peace, although his enemies had so often attempted to bring him to the stake. All that they could do was, forty years after, when clerical dominion had resumed for a season its old ascendency, to cause his bones to be disinterred and burned, and his ashes to be thrown into the river Swift, at Lutterworth; but as old Fuller, in his Church History, quaintly observes, "the Swift conveyed them into the Avon, Avon into the Severn, Severn into the narrow seas, they to the main ocean. And thus the ashes of Wyckliffe are the emblem of his doctrine, which now is dispersed all the world over."1 CHAPTER IX.-HISTORY OF SOCIETY. A.D. 1216-1399. Change in English society-Formation of a middle class-Rural life-Condition of agriculture-Manorial establishments-Houses and furniture of the period-Dress and personal ornaments during the different reigns of this period-Fopperies during that of Richard II.-Female dress and ornaments-Chivalrous sports-Tournaments-Combats-The ordeal combat-Peaceful sports-Banquets-Classes of English society, and their modes of life, as described by Chaucer-The Tabard inn-The host-CHIVALROUS classes: the knight, the squire, the yeoman-ECCLESIASTICAL classes: the prioress, the monk, the summoner, the pardoner, the Oxford clerk, the good parson, the ploughman-Classes of LAW and MEDICINE: the doctor of physic, the serjeant-at-law— MERCANTILE classes: the merchant, the tradesman, the shipman-RURAL classes: the franklin, the reeve, the miller-Sketch of the wife of Bath-Architecture of the period-Introduction of the pointed arch-Ecclesiastical buildings-Early English style-Decorated style-Castellated buildings-Walls, courts, and defences of English castles-Progress of science and literature-Preference given to metaphysical speculationTokens of intellectual revival-Universities of Cambridge and Oxford-Character of the students-Chaucer's Oxford clerk-His description of Clerk Nicholas--Eminent scholars of the period-Robert Grostête-Gilbert Anglicus-John Ardern-Matthew Paris-Roger Bacon-Poetry of the period-Early English poets-Layamon-Robert of Gloucester-Robert de Brunne-Laurence Minot-Robert Langland-Chaucer-GowerCondition of Scotland-Scottish merchandise, manufactures, and ship-building-Scottish music-Progress of the people arrested by the war with England-Literary Scotchmen-Michael Scott-John Duns Scotus-John de Fordun-Early Scottish poetry-Thomas the Rhymer-John Barbour. HE transition state which a community must undergo before some great beneficial change, had now ended in England, and the season had already commenced, in which the disadvantages of that change were to be superseded by its benefits. The odious distinctions of Saxon and Norman, like those of Saxon and Dane, had at last melted away; the races once so antagonistic, had become one people; and those energies which had hitherto been "At the end of the fourteenth century French was still the official language in England, of all the political bodies and high personages whose existence was connected with the Norman conquest. It was spoken by the king, the bishops, the judges, and by the earls and barons; and it was the language their children learned as soon as they could speak. The position of the aristocracy, which had preserved it for three centuries and a half, amidst a people speaking a language quite different, had not been favourable to its progress; and when compared with the French of the court of France at the same period, it was rather antiquated and incorrect in grammar and pronunciation. Some expressions were used in it which were peculiar to the provincial dialect of Normandy, and the manner of pronouncing, as far as can be judged from the orthography of the records, much resembled the low Norman accent and pronunciation of the present day. The nobles and the courtiers neing very fond of poetry, but disdaining to write verses or compose books, the troubadours who sang for the court and the castles, could find pupils only among the trading classes or the inferior clergy, who, being of English origin, spoke English in their usual conversation. The effort which these men had to make in order to express their ideas and feelings in a language which was not that of their infancy, detracted from the perfection of their works, and made them less numerous. At the end of the wasted in mutual contention and extermination, were concentrated and directed to a common aim. Every inhabitant of the land was now an Englishman, while the leading events in which he bore a part had assumed a general and national character. The great question now at issue was, the advance of English liberty, and the promotion of English prosperity. One evidence of this happy change is to be found in the condition of the rural population. They no longer exclusively consisted of master thirteenth century, most of those who, in the towns or in the cloisters, felt a taste or a talent for literature, endeavoured to treat in English most of the historical and imaginative subjects which had hitherto been treated of only in pure Norman. "A great many attempts of this kind made their appearance all at once before the year 1350. A part of the poets of that period, and such as were most in favour with the higher classes of society, still wrote verses in French; others, contenting themselves with the approbation of the middle classes, composed for them in their own language; and others, combining the two languages in the same poem, changed them in every alternate couplet, and sometimes at every second line. At this period the scarcity of good French books written in England became such, that the higher ranks of society were obliged to procure from France the romances and tales with which they diverted themselves in the long evenings, and the ballads which enlivened their banquets and festive parties. But the war of chivalry which broke out at that time between England and France, inspiring the nobility of both nations with reciprocal aversion, lessened, in the eyes of the Anglo-Normans, the attractions of the literature imported from France, and obliged all gentlemen who were nice on the point of national honour, to content themselves with the reading of works produced at home."-Thierry's Norman Conquest. six hens. In these, independently of the gardens, fish-ponds, rabbit warren, and pigeon-house, we have a sufficient guarantee that the manor was abundantly victualled, not only for all its inmates, but the additional purposes of show and hospitality. and slave; their sole inheritance was no longer five geese, thirty capons, one cock, and twentythat of enjoyment or endurance. From both ranks, but especially the latter, a middle class was forming, created by the political necessities of the times, and the yeomanry of England were soon, both in point of influence and number, to form a sufficient counterpoise between the oppressors and the oppressed. There was now a pensantry in the land who could sit under their own roof tree without fear of dislodgment, and eat the fruits of their industry in open day, without having it snatched from their hands. They still had lords indeed, and proud ones too; but what was a noble without his yeomanly followers, by whom his lands were enriched in peace, and his banner upheld in war? Or what other refuge could sovereignty itself find amidst the changes by which it was constantly imperilled? In coming, however, to the particulars of rural life during this period, we must confess that our knowledge is still very scanty. From gleanings that can be obtained among the earliest agricultural accounts and documents, some of the estates must have been very large, as well as plentifully provided. From that of the elder Spenser, in the reign of Edward II, it was stated that his enemies carried off 1000 oxen and heifers, 1200 cows and their calves, 500 cart-horses, 28,000 sheep, and 2000 hogs. Such, in all likelihood, were the estates belonging to the highest of the English nobility. But in descending from these extreme to more common cases, let us take, as an example, the parish of Hawstead, in Suffolk, as detailed in Sir T. Cullum's history of that district. The manor-house, which was of large extent, was surrounded by a moat, and had two court-yards and three gardens, with its due establishment of pigeon-house, rabbit warren, and fish-ponds. The tenants were thirty-two in number, who held of the lord of the manor, and did him service for the land they occupied, the wages with which they were repaid being in kind and money; and independently of the tenants, he held in his own hands 672 acres of arable and 50 of meadow land, with sufficient pasturage for the live stock of the manorial farm. The persons employed in such an establishment were a steward, who presided at the manor courts, kept the accounts of the farm and family, and took charge of the domestics; a bailiff, who superintended the whole farming operations; a head harvest-man, elected by the tenantry themselves, and confirmed in office by his lord; and a sufficient staff of ploughmen, plough-drivers, carters, shepherds, swine-herds, and deyes or labourers of all work. This was a large establishment to provide for; but in looking to the live stock, we find, that the manor of Hawstead had ten horses, ten oxen, one bull, twenty cows, six heifers, six calves, ninety-two sheep, 200 two-year-old sheep, In the domestic architecture of this period, we find that comfort, and even elegance, were beginning to be blended with that grim security which was still indispensable. While the towers of lordly mansions were, therefore, assuming a more graceful appearance, the decoration of halls and apartments was more carefully studied. One effect of this was to sweep away the cumbrous tapestry and hangings of needle-work with which the walls were concealed, and substitute in their place paintings of subjects selected from popular romance or Scripture, and surmounted with scrolls containing a legend or a text applicable to the event delineated. Windows also of glass, painted or transparent, were now in use; and at the latter part of the present period, they were made with lattices, to open and shut at pleasure. | In the articles of furniture, the unwieldy tables were exchanged for light tressels, and chairs in their form and carving were assimilated to the architectural improvements that had taken place in public buildings. One of the chief objects of domestic splendour was the bed, the outer coverings of which were generally of the richest fabric, such as satin or velvet, beautifully embroidered with various flowers and figures, or the armorial distinctions of the owner; and underneath, the sheets were of cloth of Rennes, which was linen of the finest texture. Andirons were now introduced as graceful supporters of the burning logs, instead of allowing them to consume on the hearth; and fire-screens with ornamented feet and stands. These descriptions, however, as yet, are only applicable to the homes of the rich; but in regard to the houses of the poor, and even of the middle classes both in town and country, we are still unable to speak with certainty. In this, as in other periods of our history, the subject of costume is so multifarious and complex-so utterly removed from the fashion of our own day, and therefore so difficult to describe in words that we should be unable to convey an intelligible account of it without a reference to those pictures that speak to the eye more distinctly than any form of language. To these ancient illustra tions, therefore, upon which we have largely drawn for this department, we must refer the attention of the reader. In these we can perceive that fashiou still continued to ebb and flow with its wonted restlessness. In these changes we can also, in some measure, detect the character of the reigning sovereign as illustrated in the attire of his graudees and courtiers, and of the aristocracy at large who | fashioned in this manner, must have been a most followed such a prevalent example. During the reigns of Edward I. and Edward II., when the wars with France and Scotland were alternated with popular discontent and civil commotion, we can perceive, even from their dress, that men were astir, and braced for a life of action. This was indicated not only by the tight hosen and shoes, or short boots, that formed an essential part of everyday male costume, but by the close sleeves of the under tunic, on which buttons were worn from the wrist almost to the elbow. Over this succinct dress, a large cloak with ample sleeves, and having a cowl attached, was usually thrown in foul weather, or in travelling. But the recent introduction of velvet and cloths of gold and silk, soon produced cloaks of more striking cut, as well as elegant ap COSTUMES FOR THE FOUR SEA- grotesque spectacle; and his picture suggests to us the idea of a compound figure in heraldry, half-man half-dragon, rather than a living and human reality. Such was the "slyttering" of robes which Chaucer described, and which his predecessors had been pleased to admire. This love of finery, which so elongated and adorned the sleeves, also ascended to the head-dress of the male sex, which still continued to be a cowl, but which was wreathed into every form that the caprice of the wearer could devise, from the cap of a licensed merry-andrew to the turban of a stern and formal Saracen. SCALLOP-EDGED DRESS. Harleian MS. Of the female dress of the reign of Edward I., the examples are not only numerous, but in many cases indicative of simplicity and elegance. The hair, as seen in the accompanying illustration, was not plaited as formerly, but turned up behind, and inclosed within a network of gold, silver, or silk thread. In some cases, a round cap or hat was worn; in others, where the head was uncovered, the hair appears to have been carefully crisped or curled. We cannot, however, so highly commend the gorget, which seems to have been a prevalent fashion in female In some instances, however, where a better taste streamers, however, that had come into vogue, were retained, although not of such longitude as before, for they reached no farther than the knee, COSTUMES OF THE TIME OF EDWARD III.1 With the reign of Edward III., such a change of costume commenced, as seemed to intimate a thorough revolution in the national character and circumstances. The ascendency of effeminate favourites had vanished; a recoil into active | instead of descending to the ancle. Sometimes life and enterprise had commenced; and the long trailing robes which had been stealing into use during the close of the preceding reign, seemed to be borne away upon the wings of the national revolution. The chief garment of the young COSTUMES OF THE TIME OF EDWARD III.-William of Windsor and Blanche de la Tour, from their tomb in Westminster Abbey. the sleeves terminated at the elbow, and had attached to them long streamers by way of prolongation. Over the cote was thrown a very long mantle lined either with silk or with fur, which last article had been introduced into England during the reign of Edward I., and adorned with serrated edges. But during this long reign of Edward III., the fashions were so mutable, that it is difficult to convey any definite idea of them. They shifted and changed from long to short garments, and from short to long: sometimes they were wide and flowing, and sometimes straight and narrow. Among these innovations, were beaver hats, long hose of two colours, pointed shoes richly embroidered, and a long-tailed cowl, that was drawn over the head, and buttoned under the chin. Beards, also, which had been curtailed or shaven during the period of Edward II., were trained into luxuriance under the reign of his son, but probably not until the royal beard had reached the length of full manhood. These mutable fashions of the period were thus summed up in their essentials by the following well-known rhymes of a Scottish satirist: "Long beards heartless, Painted hoods witless, Gay coats graceless, Make England thriftless." In the above sketch from various authorities of the period, several of the peculiarities we have mentioned may be detected, although confined within sober limitations. 1 Reading from the left, the figures are-(1), From the monu mental brass of Lady Stapleton, Ingham Church, Norfolk; date 1365. (2), From the effigy of Lady Berkeley. (3), From the nobles was now the cote hardie, a tight close-fit- tomb of Roger Curdiston, Rupham Church, Norfolk; date 1357. |