pursued by man, than to live solely in the pursuit of office; his conduct must necessarily be an abandonment of those manhood principles which do honor to the human race. Sycophancy and debasement must be exchanged for honor and independence.

I would not have the laboring man thus dishonored. What I would have him do, and a duty in which he can well serve the State, would be not to refuse place, but to let his merits and qualifications be sought for by others; to act independently in the exercise of his suffrage, and examine the qualifications of candidates himself, instead of taking the opinions of others. His duty is to see that proper men are elevated to place; nor will this in any way interfere with his ordinary occupation and calling.

The pursuit of politics has become so hackneyed, and so many idlers resort to it as a means of living, that the whole thing has become disreputable. Such will ever be the case where principle is made subservient to money. If it shall ever be the destiny of this country to return to primitive days and to primitive principles, the work is to be accomplished by the examples of the laboring masses. There is a frankness and manly, open deportment to be found in that class, which is not the case with all of those who profess to be their superiors. Capital is setting itself in open hostility to labor. A secret contest is now in progress between the money of

the country and its labor. The union of these two elements are necessary for the general good.

But I shall have occasion to discuss this question when I come to speak of trades, co-operative unions, and strikes. My theme now is the discussion of another branch of the subject. We see how the laboring class behaved themselves in the early days of the republic, and the important part they acted. They promptly responded to the appeal made to them by the state in the Revolutionary struggle; they showed the same patriotic zeal in 1812, the same in 1846, and recently in putting down the great Rebellion, wherein not less than three hundred thousand of them voluntarily offered up their lives, their blood reddening the soil, and their bones strown over the earth's surface from Gettysburg to Chattanooga. They faithfully kept their covenant with the state. They performed their duty like men. Having thus saved the state, is it not incumbent on them to see to the management of its political affairs? If they do not hold the official power, they are able to give cast and direction to it. Is this not on their part an absolute and imperative duty? The majority must rule; they, comprising a large majority, are derelict in duty to themselves if they do not see to this.

I am no advocate for revolution; for a change of 'political rulers, where the safety and prosperity of the

country require it, made at the ballot-box, is not revolution. I speak of a necessary political change.

Another duty the laboring man owes to the state, and this is the last duty of which I shall speak. It is submission to the laws. It is the duty of all good citizens to give implicit obedience to the laws of the state. If these laws are oppressive to labor, or unjust and partial, let them be repealed; but so long as they are upon the statute-book so long they should be obeyed. I am now speaking in the abstract. I shall have much to say hereafter as to the right of laboring men to confederate together for their mutual welfare, and to fix their own wages, when in exercising this right they do not come in conflict with the statute or with the common law of the land.

I have thus enumerated some of the many obligations due from the laboring classes to the state. There are others, but those I have noted are sufficient for the purposes I have in view. Then let it be the aim and object, as has thus far been the practice, of this class of men to maintain their position unsullied. Keep in view all questions of hazard and danger, guarding against them, and thus preserve that political compact -the government in which they have the largest interest, because they are the most numerous class. Henry Clay was accustomed to say, that "he would rather be right, than to be President of the United

States." He who would sustain a strong cause to the end, must be sure that it is founded upon the principles of eternal justice. To-day the laboring men of America possess an amount of political power far stronger than any combination of capital that can be brought to bear against it. To hold this, wise counsels should prevail among them; and they should reflect, that in their weal or woe all other classes in the great community must share equally. I have no reason to suspect an improper use of their vast influence. The experience of the past confirms me in the opinion that the constitutional power of the country is safely lodged with them, and it is to me rather a source of regret that we do not see more of their influence brought to bear upon the affairs of the state, upon its political as well as financial operations. The future will, in my judgment, be more prolific in results, produced by their direct influence.

CHAPTER III.

THE STATUS OF THE LABORING MAN.

BEFORE proceeding to the consideration of the civil and political rights of the laboring man, as well as of those means of defence which he holds in his own hands, and which are necessary for his own protection and the welfare of his family, we will examine his status, under the constitution and laws of the country.

The rights of labor, and of the laboring man, under our system, compared with Europe and the rest of the world, differ widely. There is no reason why this should be so; but such is the fact. The republican features of this government, as well as a higher state of civilization amongst all classes of people under it, are probably the causes.

The Federal Union rests upon the pillars which each State furnishes; these are borne up by the sturdy shoulders of the yeomanry of the land. It is therefore a government of the people, including, of course, all classes of people; the high and the low, the rich and the poor.