the hard hand which produced it, or look down upon labor which it simply represents?

How idle it is, therefore, to pretend that money can of itself produce anything. Labor alone, in the line of production, is supreme. Without labor the table of the wealthy would be but poorly spread; the appetite of the multitude would be unappeased, and the real necessaries of life as well as conveniences and luxuries would fail.

This conceded, if there be an alternative as to which shall rule, labor or capital, let that one have the mastery which has the power to support life. But this is by no means necessary; they should act in accord, and in this way alone can the prosperity of all be consummated. The whole difficulty is caused by the con stant strain of capital to overreach — to monopolize.

To illustrate this: grant a charter to an association of men to build a railroad under the pretext of transportation alone (and which till very lately has been considered the proper and only object of a railroad), and the moment they procure this they commence their importunities to the legislative body for authority to buy and sell, manufacture and traffic; and thus continue till they have the power and authority to engage in every branch of business.

The last indulgence of this kind, and which is a black page upon the statute book, was the grant which

I have referred to, giving railroad companies in this State authority "to make any contract with any individual, companies, or corporations." At a single blow a kind and indulgent legislature hit all private and personal occupations square in the face, and gave to the highways sovereign power. Will any of them inform us if a solitary individual, unconnected with these corporations, asked for the infliction of so great a wrong upon the people?

And still later legislation has transferred to a railroad company "nine millions of the public securities." These securities, it is said, are to be taken from the sinking fund of the State, where they were deposited for the cancellation of the public debt. A member of the House makes use of this remarkable language:

"I understand that some railroad men are coming on here from New York with lots of money, and if we wait, some of the members may make better bargains!"

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What a commentary upon legislation! But one thing it does most conclusively establish that the corporate power of the country has become absolutely dangerous to the liberties of the people. This fact cannot be disguised. Capital thus used becomes a terror to the people. They are shamefully deprived of their rights and privileges. Must it remain so? Is there no remedy?

It is delicate to charge home upon the legislature open corruption; but when one of the body uses the language we have quoted, what are we to think, and what can we say that will convey a just appreciation of our abhorrence ? *

*Since writing the above, Gov. Geary has vetoed this infamous bill, and he is therefore entitled to the thanks of the people of this State.

CHAPTER XIV.,

CAPITAL AND LABOR CONSIDERED IN CONNECTION WITH LEGISLATION.

Ir capital and incorporated power could but cease to demand the exorbitant privileges which they do, there could be a salutary step towards reform. But so long as they find a kindly response upon the part of the legislative body, so long will they continue to usurp personal rights. While every demand is acceded to, their importunities will have no end. Now they have but to ask, and they receive; nor is the magnitude of the gift a matter of a moment's consideration.

Labor has its sphere, and so has capital. So long as they remain within the limits of this, everything will move smoothly, and there will be no collision. But when either transcends the limits, trouble will come. Trouble has come. Public attention has become excited and nervous at the continual encroachment of money upon those rights and immunities which alone make the State great and the masses prosperous.

As the great mass of the people see how capital is gradually assuming the reins of government, and is con

tinually growing stronger while they are becoming weaker, discontent must follow, and the inevitable result of this, history most fully exhibits. When the people are not deemed of sufficient consequence to be consulted about the concession of their power to incorporated companies by their representatives, it will be as well for them to turn their attention to the propriety of changing, if not the modes of representation, at least its men.

If capital will still persist in its effort to perfect a complete subjugation of the labor of the country, and this it will attain if not interrupted in its headlong career, why, then there is but one alternative left, and that is a union of labor against it. This is the last phase the question will take; but while reason is paramount this will never be a necessity.

"Whom the gods would destroy, they first make mad." Never was a truism uttered which had so strong an application as this to the present moneyed power of Pennsylvania. When it can bring itself up to the point to ask for a monopoly of the trade of the State, and take within its bounds the making of all kinds of contracts, put its hands into the trust fund of the State, and abstract nine millions of dollars set apart by taxation to pay the public debt, it may as well ask for the surrender of the constitution of the State.

But while we stand back in utter amazement at the