10.

It condemns no man because he is a slaveholder! Certainly, then, it allows that slaveholders are upright men-not guilty of fraud-not oppressors-not extortioners! and that the slaves are truly and justly their property-not entitled to freedom-not better than cattle-not conscious of evil treatment— not worthy of remuneration for their toil-not rational and accountable beings !

SECTION II.

THE AMERICAN

COLONIZATION SOCIETY APOLOGISES FOR SLAVERY AND SLAVEHOLDERS.

My charges against the American Colonization Society acquire breadth and solemnity as I progress in my task. I have fairly and abundantly sustained my first,—that the Society is not the enemy of the slave-system; and I now proceed to prove my second, that it apologises for slavery and slaveholders.

There is a golden mean, which all who would pursue the solid interest and reputation of their country may discern at the very heart of their confederation, and will both advocate and enforce-a principle, of justice, conciliation and humanity-a principle, sir, which is not inconsistent with itself, and yet can sigh over the degradation of the slave, defend the wisdom and prudence of the South against the charge of studied and pertinacious cruelty,' &c.[Address of Robert F. Stockton, Esq. at the Eighth Annual Meeting of the Parent Society.]

It is a fact, given us on the most unquestionable authority, that there are now in the southern States of our union, hundreds, and even thousands of proprietors, who would gladly give liberty to their slaves, but are deterred by the apprehension of doing injury to their country, and perhaps to the slaves themselves.'-[Discourse by the Rev. Dr. Dana.—African Repository, vol. i. p. 145.]

Guarding that system, the existence of which, though unfortunate, THEY DEEM NECESSARY.'-[African Repository, vol. i. p. 227.]

We all know from a variety of considerations which it is unnecessary to name, and in consequence of the policy which is obliged to be pursued in the southern States, that it is extremely difficult to free a slave, and hence the enactment of those laws which a fatal necessity seems to demand.'-[African Repository, vol. ii. p. 12.]

They are convinced, that there are now hundreds of masters who are so only from necessity.'-[Memorial of the Society to the several States.—A. R. vol. ii. p. 60.]

'I do not condemn, let me be understood, their detention in bondage under the circumstances which are yet existing.'-['The Colonization Society Vindicated.'-Idem, vol. iii. p. 201.]

A third point in which the first promoters of this object were united, is, that few individual slaveholders can, in the present state of things, emancipate their slaves if they would. There is a certain relation between the proprietor of slaves and the beings thus thrown upon him, which is far more complicated, and far less easily dissolved, than a mind unacquainted with the subject is ready to imagine. The relation is one which, where it exists, grows out of the very structure of society, and for the existence of which, the master is ordinarily as little accountable as the slave.'

He [the planter] looks around him and sees that the condition of the great mass of emancipated Africans is one in comparison with which the condition of his slaves is enviable;-and he is convinced that if he withdraws from his slaves his authority, his support, his protection, and leaves them to shift for themselves, he turns them out to be vagabonds, and paupers, and felons, and to find in the work-house and the penitentiary, the home which they ought to have retained on his paternal acres. Hundreds of humane and Christian slaveholders retain their fellow-men in bondage, because they are convinced that they can do no better.'—[Address of the Managers of the Colonization Society of Connecticut.-Af. Rep. vol. iv. pp. 119, 120.]

'I AM NOT COMPLAINING OF THE OWNERS OF SLAVES; they cannot get rid of them.-I do not doubt that masters treat their slaves with kindness, nor that the slaves are happier than they could be if set free in this country.'-[Address delivered before the Hampden Col. Soc., July 4th, 1828, by Wm. B. O. Peabody, Esq.]

Policy, and even the voice of humanity forbade the progress of manumission; and the salutary hand of law came forward to co-operate with our convictions, and to arrest the flow of our feelings, and the ardor of our desires.' -[Review of the Report of the Committee of Foreign Relations.-Af. Rep. vol. iv. p. 268.]

When an owner of slaves tells me that he will freely relinquish his slaves, or even that he will relinquish one-half of their value, on condition that he be compensated for the other half, and provision be made for their transportation, I feel that he has made a generous proposal, and I cannot charge him with all the guilt of slavery, though he may continue to be a slaveholder.'[Af. Rep. vol. v. p. 63.]

Even slavery must be viewed as a great national calamity; a public evil entailed upon us by untoward circumstances, and perpetuated for the want of appropriate remedies.'-[Idem, vol. v. p. 89.]

Slavery is an evil which is entailed upon the present generation of slaveholders, which they must suffer, whether they will or not.'-[Idem, p. 179.]

'Our brethren of the South, have the same sympathies, the same moral sentiments, the same love of liberty as ourselves. By them as by us, slavery is felt to be an evil, a hindrance to our prosperity, and a blot upon our character. But it was in being when they were born, and has been forced upon them by a previous generation.'-[Address of Rev. Dr. Nott.-Idem, p. 277.]

With a writer in the Southern Review we say, "the situation of the people of these States was not of their choosing. When they came to the inheritance, it was subject to this mighty incumbrance, and it would be criminal in them to ruin or waste the estate, to get rid of the burden at once." With this writer

we add also, in the language of Captain Hall, that the "slaveholders ought not (immediately) to disentangle themselves from the obligations which have devolved upon them, as the masters of slaves." We believe that a master may sustain his relation to the slave, with as little criminality as the slave sustains his relation to the master.' * * * Slavery, in its mildest form, is an evil of the darkest character. Cruel and unnatural in its origin, no plea can be urged in justification of its continuance but the plea of necessity.'—[Af. Rep. vol. v. pp. 329, 334.]

How much more consistent and powerful would be our example, but for that population within our limits, whose condition (necessary condition, I will not deny) is so much at war with our institutions, and with that memorable national Declaration-" that all men are created equal."'-[Fourteenth Ann. Report.]

It [the Society] condemns no man because he is a slaveholder.' *** They [abolitionists] confound the misfortunes of one generation with the crimes of another, and would sacrifice both individual and public good to an unsubstantial theory of the rights of man.'—[A. R. vol. vii. pp. 200, 202.]

6

Many thousand individuals in our native State, you well know, Mr President, are restrained, said Mr Mercer, from manumitting their slaves, as you and I are, by the melancholy conviction, that they cannot yield to the suggestions of humanity, without manifest injury to their country.' The laws of Virginia now discourage, and very wisely, perhaps, the emancipation of slaves.' -Speech of Mr Mercer.-First Annual Report.]

*

* *

We are ready even to grant, for our present purpose, that, so far as mere animal existence is concerned, the slaves have no reason to complain, and the friends of humanity have no reason to complain for them.' * * * • There are men in the southern states, who long to do something effectual for the benefit of their slaves, and would gladly emancipate them, did not prudence and compassion alike forbid such a measure.'-[Review of the Reports of the Society, from the Christian Spectator.-Seventh Annual Report.]

'Such unhappily is the case; but there is a necessity for it, [for oppressive laws, and so long as they remain amongst us will that necessity continue.'[Ninth Annual Report.]

I MAY BE PERMITTED TO DECLARE THAT I WOULD BE A SLAVEHOLDER TO-DAY WITHOUT SCRUPLE.'-[Fourteenth Annual Report.]

* * *

For the existence of slavery in the United States, those, and those only, are accountable who bore a part in originating such a constitution of society. The bible contains no explicit prohibition of slavery. There is neither chapter nor verse of holy writ, which lends any countenance to the fulminating spirit of universal emancipation, of which some exhibitions may be seen in some of the newspapers.' "The embarrassment which many a philanthropic proprietor has felt in relation to his slaves, has been but little known at the north, and has had but little sympathy. He finds himself the lord of perhaps a hundred human beings; and is anxious to do them all the good in his power. He would emancipate them; but if he does, their prospect of happiness can hardly be said to be improved by the change. Some half a dozen, perhaps, in the hundred, become industrious and useful members of society; and the rest are mere vagabonds, idle, wicked, and miserable.'

-[Review on African Colonization.--Vide the Christian Spectator for September, 1830, in which the reader will find an elaborate apology for the system of slavery, and this, too, by a clergyman !]

'The existence of slavery among us, though not at all to be objected to our southern brethren as a fault, is yet a blot on our national character, and a

mighty drawback from our national strength.'-[Second Annual Report of the N. Y. State Col. Soc.]

Entertaining these views of this fearful subject, why should our opponents endeavor to prejudice our cause with our southern friends? And we are the more anxious on this point, for we sincerely entertain exalted notions of their sense of right, of their manliness and independence of feeling-of their dignity of deportment of their honorable and chivalric turn of thought, which spurns a mean act as death. And if I was allowed to indulge a personal feeling, I would say that there is something to my mind in the candor, hospitality and intelligence of the South, which charms and captives, which wins its way to the heart and gives assurance of all that is upright, honorable, and humane. There is no people that treat their slaves with so little cruelty and with so much kindness. There is nothing in the condition of slavery more congenial with the feelings of the South than with the feelings of the North. Philanthropy and benevolence flourish with as much vigor with them as with us their hearts are as warm as ours— they feel for the distresses of others with as much acuteness as we do their ears are as open to the calls of charity as ours-they as deeply regret as we do the existence of slavery—and oh ! how their hearts would thrill with delight, if the mighty incubus could be removed without injury or destruction to every thing around them.'--[Speech of James S. Green, Esq. on the same occasion.]

'Many of the best citizens of our land are holders of slaves, and hold them IN STRICT ACCORDANCE WITH THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMANITY AND JUSTICE.'-[Rev. Thomas T. Skillman, editor of the Western Luminary, an ardent supporter of the Col. Soc.]

'It is a very common impression that a principal evil of the condition of the southern blacks, is the severity of their treatment. THIS IS AN ERROR. It is almost every where disreputable to treat slaves with severity; and though there are indeed exceptions, yet in most cases in the South, even tyranny itself could not long withstand the reproaches of public opinion. A STILL GREATER AND MORE DANGEROUS EVIL, IS THE VERY REVERSE. It is indulgence; not only in such things as are proper and innocent, but in indolent habits and vicious propensities.'

[From an address prepared for the use of those who advocate the cause of the African Education Society at Washington-a Society which educates none but those who consent to remove to Liberia.]

How should a benevolent Virginian, in view of the fact, that out of thirtyseven thousand free people of color in his State, only two hundred were proprietors of land, how should he be in favor of general emancipation? But, show him, that if he will emancipate his slaves, there is a way in which he can without doubt improve their condition, while he rids himself of a grievous burden, and he will promptly obey the demands of justice-he will then feel that his generous wishes can with certainty be fulfilled. While he knows that scarcely any thing is done to meliorate the condition of those now free, and reflects on the many obstacles in the way of doing it in this land, he feels bound by a regard to what he owes himself-his children-his country, and even his slaves themselves, not to emancipate them. For he is sure, that, by emancipation, he will only add to the wretchedness of the one, and at the same time put at imminent hazard the dearest interests of the other. Thus he is forced to refrain from manumission, and not only so, but against all his benevolent inclinations, he is forced to co-operate with his fellow-citizens in sustaining the present system of slavery. He would most cheerfully follow the impulse of his noblest feelings he would remove the curse which the short-sighted policy of his fathers entailed upon him; but he cannot disregard the first law of nature; especially not, when, were he to do it, he would render the curse still more calamitous in its consequences.—[An advocate of the Colonization Society in the Middletown (Connecticut) Gazette.]

Slavery is indeed a curse; and bitter is the lot of him who is born with slaves on his hands. And now, instead of denouncing as inhuman and unmerciful monsters and tyrants, those who are thus unfortunate, I say, let the commiseration and pity of every good citizen and christian in the land be excited, and let fervent prayers be offered in their behalf, and that God would direct the whole American mind to the adoption of the most effectual measures for the accomplishment of the total abolition of slavery.'-[New-Haven Religious Intelligencer for July 16, 1831.]

'Special reference will also be had to the condition and wishes of the slave States. In most of them it is a prevailing sentiment, that it is not safe to furnish slaves with the means of instruction. Much as we lament the reasons for this sentiment, and the apparent necessity of keeping a single fellow creature in ignorance, we willingly leave to others the consideration and the remedy of this evil, in view of the overwhelming magnitude of the remaining objects before us. [Address of the Board of Managers of the African Education Society of the United States.]

And when we [of New-England] did emancipate our slaves, we were driven to the measure by the force of example; and we did not do it until it was found quite convenient; and then what provision was made for the poor blacks? Let our State Prison records answer the question. Our Southern brethren have been more kind: they will not emancipate them until they send them where they can enjoy liberty, more than in name. As a Northern man I feel it my duty, and I take pleasure in giving the meed of praise to my Southern brethren.'[Speech of Rev. Mr Gallaudet, at a colonization meeting in New-York city.]

The slave works for his master, who feeds and clothes him, defends him from harm, and takes care of him when he is sick. The free colored man works for himself, and has nobody to take care of him but himself.'

-[From a little colonization work, published in Baltimore in 1828, for the use of the African Schools in the United States'!! entitled A Voice from Africa.']

• The slaveholder will tell you, that he did not take liberty from the Africanhe was a slave when he found him, and he is no more than a slave yet. The man who owns one hundred acres of land more than he can cultivate himself, is as much a slaveholder as he who owns a slave.'-[An advocate of colonization in the Richmond (Indiana) Palladium for Oct. 1, 1831.]

I DO NOT MEAN TO SPEAK OF SLAVERY AS A SYSTEM OF CRU

ELTY AND OF SUFFERING. On this point I am free to say, from personal observation and occasional residences for some years at the South, there has been much misapprehension among our fellow-citizens of the North. And I rejoice to add, that the condition of the slaves generally is such as the friends of humanity have no reason to complain of.'--[Oration delivered at Newark, N. J. July 4th, 1831, by Gabriel P. Disosway, Esq.]

Slavery, it is true, is an evil-a national evil. Every laudable effort to exterminate it should be encouraged. And we presume that nine-tenths of the slaveholders themselves, would rejoice at the event, could it be accomplished, of the entire freedom from the country of every person of color, and would willingly relinquish every slave in their possession. But the slaves are in their possession-they are entailed upon them by their ancestors. And can they set them free, and still suffer them to remain in the country? Would this be policy? Would it be safe? No. When they can be transported to the soil from whence they were derived-by the aid of the Colonization Society, by Government, by individuals, or by any other means-then let them be emancipated, and not before.'-[Lowell (Mass.) Telegraph.]