which ought not to be implicated in the crime. If he were asked when the Minister ought to have negotiated, he would inform him. He should have negotiated to prevent the invasion of the Duke of Brunswick. Perhaps he did nothing. This, however, he was certain that he did-he prorogued the Parliament; he appeared careless about the conquest of Brabant and Flanders, which were, in a manner, the gates of Holland; and he seemed to have reasoned thus: The town I will defend, but anybody may possess the gates who pleases.' Perhaps, indeed, the ambassador from the republic of France. would not be fine enough in his appearance to figure in our drawing-room, and, therefore, we must not endure the thought of a negotiation. If that was the case, Ministers should say so, in order that the good people of England might know the important reason why their blood must be spilt and their treasure squandered. If so, the age of chivalry' was revived with a vengeance; but he trusted that some more substantial reason would be given for going to war, and that whenever we did go to war, the Minister would have to say to the public, 'We have tried the effect of a negotiation and pacific expressions, but to no purpose:' then they might expect a general concurrence, but until then they would certainly be inexcusable in proceeding to hostilities."

Alluding to Mr. Burke's speech last night, he declared," that he did not think he had been treated with civility by that right honourable gentleman. It had been said by that gentleman that he had advanced facts which he did not believe; now, he had thought that his right honourable friend knew him too well to suppose that he ever asserted what he did not believe. In fact, he had last night declared that he would not make assertions with respect to particular cases, from an apprehension that those cases might not be founded in truth. The reasoning his right honourable friend had adopted on account of this delicacy was perfectly novel. He had also been accused by him of using more of invective than argument. On this head he was perfectly sure that he had not carried his invective further than the right honourable gentleman, who could not have forgotten that he had been obliged to descend to hell for similes and figures of speech with which to stigmatize the governors of the French nation. Among some exceptionable characters, he had classed and reprobated M. Roland, a man, as he believed, eminent for many virtues.* How far such invective tended to conciliate France it required little deliberation to determine. Could his right honourable friend suppose that such gross insults and injuries would be forgotten or forgiven by persons of spirit and capacity? The peevishness which disgraced their discussions, when they were talking of the concerns of France, would irritate, but could never reconcile."

Mr. Fox then proceeded to enforce the propriety of negotiation. "So well convinced was he that every hour we delayed this negotiation was a loss to us, that he would move to-morrow an address to his Majesty to treat with For the character of M. Roland, see Alison's Hist. of Europe, vol. ii. p. 312, seventh edition.

the Executive Government of France. This he should do with more conviction of its propriety than hope of its success; but that consideration should not slacken his efforts all the world would acknowledge the propriety of it by and by, although so many affected to despise it now.* He had been the first to throw off the prejudice which was once so general in this country against the infant freedom, and afterwards independence, of America. Gentlemen should recollect that although it was once fashionable to talk of a vagrant Congress,' of 'one Adams,' of Hancock and his crew,' England had, in the end, been obliged to acknowledge the sovereignty and independence of America. The same thing might happen with respect to the French republic, and it would be better that we should send a minister to France immediately on the meeting of Parliament, than perhaps after that event should have taken place which he most earnestly deprecated, and should most heartily deplore. He was old enough to remember the names of Washington and Adams, those two great and noble pillars of republicanism, loaded with abuse. He was old enough to remember when their remonstrance on behalf of the American States was treated with contempt. Dr. Franklin was, on that occasion, abused without mercy by a learned gentleman; and yet, shortly after all this contempt, these two gentlemen contributed to the forming for the people who enjoyed it, the first constitution in the world-for them most certainly the best form of government upon earth, for such he would venture to say was the government of America. Shortly after this he, as Secretary of State, sent over to America to treat with this very Dr. Franklin on behalf of this country; this he must have done with an ill grace if he had joined in the abuse of that gentleman, and therefore he did not wish to be forward in showing his contempt. In short, the republic of France was that which we must acknowledge sooner or later; and where was the difficulty of acknowledging it now? Was not the republic of this country readily acknowledged at the time of Cromwell? Did not courts vie in their civilities to our new form of government after the execution of Charles the First? An execution which, whatever difference of opinion might be entertained about it, had infinitely less injustice in it than that which, he feared, was about to be inflicted on the late unhappy monarch of France; but he hoped a deed so foul would not be committed.f

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His right honourable friend had said yesterday, What, are we to receive an ambassador reeking with the blood of innocent men, and perhaps even of * On the following day, the 15th of December, Mr. Fox made his promised motion for an address to the Crown to send a minister to Paris to treat with those persons who exercised provisionally the Executive Government of France, but it was negatived without a division.

On the 3rd of December, 1792, the National Convention declared that Louis XVI. should be tried by it. The articles of impeachment were laid before the Convention on the 10th, and Louis was ordered to appear on the following day. On the 15th of January, 1793, he was pronounced guilty of conspiracy against the liberty of the nation, and of crimes against the general safety of the state. He was condemned to death on

the 17th, and executed on the 21st of the same month.

the King of France?" Mr. Fox said, "his answer to this was, that should the French proceed to extremities against that unfortunate monarch, he should consider it as an act which would be for ever a disgrace to their nation, and which every man must deplore; but still he could not think that we were therefore never to have any connexion with France. He wished that if their objection to receive one at present was, that they did not know how to introduce a French minister into the King's drawing-room, that they would fairly avow it, to the end that the people of England might see that their blood and treasure were to be sacrificed to a mere punctilio."

After pathetically lamenting the fate of that unhappy family, he returned to the affairs of France, as they were likely to affect this country. “We wanted to check the aggrandizement of France: perhaps not to go to war with them was to check their aggrandizement, for their cause upon the continent was popular. They said, that all governments were their foes.' This was but too true, and had been of popular service to them; but that which served them most of all was, the detestation which all Europe had entertained for the principles of the leaders of the combined armies. They had neither honour nor humanity. When the brave but unfortunate La Fayette, by the pressure of irresistible circumstances, fell into their possession, instead of receiving him as a gentleman, with the dignity that was due to his distress, they seized him with fury, locked him up like a felon, and cruelly continued to keep him in custody, in defiance of the wishes and compassion of us all, and in a manner that must provoke the indignation of every virtuous man in Europe. But this gentleman had always been a friend to liberty, and that was enough to excite their hatred." Mr. Fox concluded with moving an amendment to the address, by inserting these words :Trusting that your Majesty will employ every means of negotiation, consistent with the honour and safety of this country, to avert the calamities of war."

The amendment was opposed by Mr. Burke, Mr. Yorke, Lord Carysfort, Mr. Secretary Dundas, Mr. Powys, and Mr. Wilberforce; and supported by Mr. Sheridan and Mr. Adam. It was negatived without a division; after which the report on the address was agreed to by the House.

ADDRESS ON THE KING'S MESSAGE RESPECTING THE DECLARATION OF WAR BY FRANCE.

The execution of Louis the Sixteenth, on the 21st of January, 1793, brought matters to a crisis between England and France;* and on the 24th of the

* The decree of the 19th of November, 1792, was followed up by another, which passed the Convention on the 15th of December. By this celebrated manifesto, the National Convention ordered the generals to proclaim, in the name of the French people, in all those countries which were, or should be, occupied by the French armies, the sovereignty of the people, the suppression of all existing authorities, the abolition of

month, Lord Grenville notified to M. Chauvelin, the French ambassador at London, that as the character with which he had been invested at this Court, and the functions of which had been so long suspended, were now entirely terminated by the execution of his late Most Christian Majesty, he had no longer any public character here. He was, therefore, ordered to leave this country within eight days. On the 1st of February, the National Convention declared war against Great Britain and Holland.f

February 12. On the 11th of February, Mr. Secretary Dundas presented the following message from his Majesty :

"George R.

“His Majesty thinks proper to acquaint the House of Commons that the assembly now exercising the powers of government in France, have, without previous notice, directed acts of hostility to be committed against the persons and property of his Majesty's subjects, in breach of the law of nations, and of the most positive stipulations of treaty; and have since, on the most groundless pretences, actually declared war against his Majesty and the United Provinces. Under the circumstances of this wanton and unprovoked aggression, his Majesty has taken the necessary steps to maintain the honour of his Crown, and to vindicate the rights of his people; and his Majesty relies with confidence on the firm and effectual support of the House of Commons, and on the zealous exertions of a brave and loyal people, in prosecuting a just and necessary war; and in endeavouring, under the blessing of Providence, to oppose an effectual barrier to the farther progress of a system which strikes at the security and peace of all independent nations, and is pursued in open defiance of every principle of moderation, good faith, humanity, and justice.

tithes, and all subsisting taxes and imposts, of all feudal and territorial rights, of all the privileges of nobility, and exclusive privileges of every description. It announced to all their subjects liberty, fraternity, and equality; invited them to form themselves forthwith into primary assemblies, to elect an administration and provisional government, and declared that it would treat as enemies all persons who, refusing or renouncing these benefits, should be desirous of preserving their prince and privileged castes.-Alison's Hist. of Europe, vol. iii. pp. 176, 177, and 228, seventh edition. In January, 1793, the Childers, sloop of war, cruising off Brest, without a flag displayed, came within three-quarters of a mile of the port, when a shot was fired from the batteries, which fortunately passed over her without damage. The English flag was immediately hoisted; in answer to which the French displayed the national colours, with a red flag, declaratory of war, over them. The sea was calm and the tide setting in shore; the Childers endeavoured, by rowing, to extricate herself from her perilous position; but a cross fire was opened by signals from the batteries, and the vessel must have been destroyed had not a breeze providentially sprung up, which enabled her to escape.Adolph. vol. v. p. 338. For the correspondence that passed between Lord Grenville and M. Chauvelin, see Parl. Hist. vol. xxx. pp. 239-270.

* On the 23rd of January, being the day before M. Chauvelin was desired by the British Government to quit this country, an order was sent to him from the French Government to return to France.

+ See the Declaration, Annual Register, vol. xxxv. p. 139, et seq.

"In a cause of such general concern his Majesty has every reason to hope for the cordial co-operation of those powers who are united with his Majesty by the ties of alliance, or who feel an interest in preventing the extension of anarchy and confusion, and in contributing to the security and tranquillity of Europe. "G. R."

On the following day an address, in reply to the message, was moved by Mr. Pitt, and seconded by Mr. Powys.

Mr. Fox said, "that on an occasion so important, and not fearing the charge of pusillanimity from considering the present crisis as highly alarming, it would ill become the duty which he owed to his constituents and to the nation, were he to decline meeting the imputation of being the abettor of France, with which he was already menaced; or, by the bold misconstructions of his sentiments and arguments to which he had been accustomed, be deterred from examining and stating what was the true situation in which the country was involved in war. He had never accused the honourable gentleman who seconded the address of a systematic opposition to Ministers, nor of acting upon any system; but he called upon him to name those persons in the House, if any such there were, whom he meant to include under the description of supporters of the French system. The honourable gentleman knew that just so were those treated who opposed the folly and injustice of the American war. Yet, notwithstanding their being long and industriously misrepresented as the abettors of rebellion, a band of as patriotic and as honourable men as ever deserved public gratitude by public services, by some of whom he trusted he should be supported in opposing the address now moved, united their abilities to put an end to that war, and at length succeeded.

"The right honourable gentleman who moved the address had stated the origin and necessity of the war, on grounds widely different from those assumed by the honourable gentleman who seconded it. The latter had said, that the power of France, under every change of men and circumstances, was a monster whose hand was against all nations, and that the hand of every nation ought to be against France; the former, that the cause of the war was not our general bad opinion of France, but specific aggressions on the part of France. So far the difference was great with respect to our immediate situation of being actually at war; and it was still greater when we came to inquire into our prospect of peace. If we were at war because France was a monster whose hand was against all nations, it must be 'bellum internecinum-a war of extermination; for nothing but unconditional submission could be adequate to the end for which the war was undertaken, and to that alone must we look for a safe or honourable peace. If, on the contrary, we were at war on account of a specific aggression, for that aggression atonement might be made, and the object being obtained, peace might be concluded. He therefore hoped, that the right honourable mover of the address was sincere in the statement he had given, although he