West Indies, and so regardless of their African brethren? He did not ask for any tenderness to the people of Africa. He only begged them not to rob and murder them, to gratify their avarice. There was an argument which had not been used at all, but which was the foundation of the whole business; he meant, the difference of colour. Suppose," said Mr. Fox," a Bristol ship were to go to any part of France, where the utmost fury of civil war was reported to prevail, and the democrats were to sell the aristocrats, or vice versa, to be carried to Jamaica, or any other island in the West Indies, to be sold for slaves: such a transaction, he imagined, would strike every man with horror-and why? Because they were of our colour. On that point he would quote no less an author than Aristotle, who, deep as were his researches in general, and acute as were his observations, yet in regard to that matter says, The barbarians (many of whom were of the same colour) are of a different race of mankind, and born to be the slaves of the Greeks! Were the present race of men more wise than Aristotle? He believed not. Could any justification have been offered for such a practice, that genius, he thought, would have been the first to discover it. Aristotle saw domestic tyranny exercised in an extreme degree in a state where political tyranny would not have been endured, and being unable to account for it on any principle of reason, but seeing that such was the practice, and a practice too universal to be successfully opposed, he therefore endeavoured to persuade his countrymen, that as the barbarians had been conquered by them, they were of an inferior species, and destined to be the slaves of the Greeks. Such a custom could not be now tolerated; and as to the pretext, that what would be great cruelty to us who profess strong principles and cultivated minds, would be not injurious to those who were ignorant and uncivilized, it was the height of arrogance, and the foundation of endless tyranny."

Mr. Fox noticed the mention that had been made of the transportation of convicts to Botany Bay, and said, that "the hardships of the passage would appear less extraordinary when it was known that the transportation was undertaken by slave merchants and slave captains, and that a part of the misery of the convicts was the effect of slave-fetters being used instead of those employed in general for convicts. The matter, he trusted, would be taken up seriously by Government, and properly examined into. To prove that wars were made solely for the purpose of obtaining slaves, he related a story, which," he said, "he had read long before this question was agitated. It was that of an African, who had been educated in the Mahometan religion, and taught both to read and write. He was a man of letters and of the first rank; but was taken in one of those wars, and sent on board an English trader, by which he was conveyed to Maryland, and fortunately sold to a humane master, who transmitted his case to England, where it was taken into consideration; and he was, in consequence, redeemed and sent home to Africa. Had this man, with all his learning and other advantages, fallen into the hands of a common master, he might have worn out his life in that

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Egyptian bondage which put an end to thousands. Upon the whole, he should give his opinion of the traffic in a very few words. He believed it to be impolitic; he knew it to be inhuman; he was certain it was unjust. He thought it so inhuman, that if the plantations could not be cultivated without it, upon the principles of justice and humanity, they ought not to be cultivated at all. Were the objects even brute animals, no man would expose them to be treated with such wanton cruelty. If the objects of the traffic were wholly inanimate, no honest man would engage in a trade founded on principles of injustice. Upon these grounds, therefore," he stated, "there was a necessity for putting an immediate end to it."

The committee divided on Mr. Dundas's motion, that the word "gradually” stand part of the question: Yeas, 193; Noes, 125. Mr. Wilberforce's motion, with this addition, was carried by a majority of 145; the numbers being 230 to 85. The House then adjourned.

On the 4th of April, Mr. Wilberforce said, that in consequence of various applications to know when he meant to bring in a bill on the resolution of Monday last for the gradual abolition of the slave-trade, he rose to declare that he neither could nor would bring in any bill for the gradual abolition, or, in other words, to sanction for a time that which it was his deep and firm conviction ought not to endure one moment longer. It was, he said, for Mr. Dundas, who proposed, or for some of those who supported the gradual, instead of the immediate abolition, to follow up a measure which he disclaimed. Mr. Dundas said that he was not prepared with any plan to carry his opinion into effect; but being pressed by Mr. Fox, Mr. Wilberforce, and other friends to abolition, he promised to take the subject into consideration, and to submit his ideas to the House on a future day. Accordingly, on the 23rd of the same month, Mr. Dundas moved twelve resolutions, the first of which declared that the importation of African negroes into the British colonies should cease after the 1st of January, 1800; the other eleven contained a variety of regulations which he deemed necessary for the final accomplishment of his plan at the proposed period. On the 27th of April, it was agreed, by a majority of 151 to 132, that the slave-trade should cease on the 1st of January, 1796. Mr. Dundas immediately declared, that as so material an alteration had been made in his plan, he must decline taking any further step in the matter. Mr. Pitt then undertook to move such resolutions on the subject as he thought necessary. These having been adopted by the Commons, were communicated to the Lords at a conference; but their lordships having determined to hear evidence at their bar, before expressing any opinion upon them, considerable delay was caused, and the further consideration of the subject was postponed until the next session.

MR. FOX'S AMENDMENTS TO THE ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.

For some time past various writings had been published, of a highly mischievous and seditious tendency, and had produced a most pernicious change in the sentiments, dispositions, and conduct of a considerable portion of the lower ranks of the community. In order to check the progress of this alarming evil, a royal proclamation was issued on the 21st of May, 1792, in which it was stated, that divers wicked and seditious writings had been printed and industriously dispersed, tending to excite tumult and disorder, by endeavouring to raise groundless jealousies and discontents respecting the laws and constitution of this realm; and that correspondences had been entered into with persons in foreign parts, with a view to forward these criminal purposes: his Majesty, therefore, being resolved, as far as might be in his power, to put a stop to these dangerous practices, warned all people to guard against such attempts, and to discourage all proceedings tending to produce riots; and he commanded all magistrates to make diligent inquiry to discover the authors and distributors of seditious writings, and to take the most effectual care to suppress and prevent all riots and disturbances; and he further commanded them to transmit to one of the Secretaries of State full information concerning all persons who might be found offending in any of these respects, in order that the laws for the preservation of public tranquillity might be vigorously executed. The two Houses voted an address, declaring their firm determination to support his Majesty in his resolution; and their full persuasion, that all necessary exertions to preserve and strengthen the constitution would be seconded by the zeal and gratitude of a free and loyal people.

The royal proclamation, and the address of the two Houses, although at first they seemed to repress the turbulent spirit against which they were directed, did not produce any lasting effect. Riots and disturbances took place in many populous districts, of so serious a nature that they could not be quelled without the aid of military force; and there appeared a general tendency among the lower ranks to insubordination and resistance to authority.

On the 16th of November, the French Executive Council came to a determination to open the Scheldt, the exclusive navigation of which was secured to Holland by a variety of treaties, guaranteed by France, as well as by the other powers of Europe; and it was well known that a treaty of alliance, entered into in 1788, subsisted between Great Britain and Holland, by which they agreed to assist each other, in case the territories or rights of either were attacked. Thinking, therefore, that by such an unjustifiable violation of subsisting treaties, the Executive Council had resolved upon war with England, and knowing also from secret intelligence that a general

On the 19th of November, 1792, the Convention likewise passed the following famous decree:-"The National Convention declares, in the name of the French nation,

insurrection was meditated, at no distant period, by the republican party in this kingdom, the British Government advised his Majesty to issue two proclamations, one for embodying a part of the militia, and the other for summoning Parliament, which had been prorogued to the 3rd of January, to meet on the 13th of December.*

December 13. On the day appointed, the King opened the session in person. He began his speech from the throne by stating that, having judged it necessary to embody a part of the militia of this kingdom, he had, in pursuance of the provisions of the law, called Parliament together within the time limited for that purpose.

His Majesty then informed the two Houses that the seditious practices, which had been in a great measure checked by their firm and explicit declaration in the last session, and by the general concurrence of his people in the same sentiments, had, of late, been more openly renewed, and with increased activity; that a spirit of tumult and disorder (the natural consequence of such practices) had shown itself in acts of riot and insurrection, which required the interposition of a military force in support of the civil magistrate; that the industry employed to excite discontent on various pretexts, and in different parts of the kingdom, appeared to proceed from a design to attempt the destruction of the constitution, and the subversion of all order and government; and that this design was evidently pursued in connexion and concert with persons in foreign countries; that he had carefully observed a strict neutrality in the present war on the continent, and had uniformly abstained from any interference with respect to the internal affairs of France; but that it was impossible for him to see, without the most serious uneasiness, the strong and increasing indications which appeared there of an intention to excite disturbances in other countries, to disregard the rights of neutral nations, and to pursue views of conquest and aggrandisement, as well as to adopt towards his allies the States-General, who had observed the same neutrality with himself, measures which were neither conformable to the law of nations, nor to the positive stipulations of existing treaties; and that, under all these circumstances, he had felt it his indispensable duty to have recourse to those means of prevention and internal defence with which he was entrusted by law; and that he had also thought it right to take steps for augmenting his naval and military force, being persuaded that such exertions were necessary, and best calculated to maintain internal tranquillity, and to preserve the blessings of peace.

that it will grant fraternity and assistance to all people who wish to recover their liberty; and it charges the Executive power to send the necessary orders to the generals, to give succour to such people, and to defend those citizens who have suffered, or may suffer, in the cause of liberty."-Alison's Hist. of Europe, vol. iii. p. 176, seventh edition. Tomline's Life of Pitt, chap. xv. By sect. xcv. of 26 Geo. III. c. 107, the King is empowered to call out the militia in case of invasion or insurrection; but by sect. xcvii. it is provided, that whenever the militia shall be so called out, during an adjournment or a prorogation which will not expire within fourteen days, a proclamation shall be issued for the meeting of Parliament within fourteen days.

His Majesty next proceeded to lament the necessity for extraordinary expenses, which must for a time prevent the application of any additional sums to the reduction of the public debt, and retard the further diminution of taxes; but it was a great consolation to him to reflect, that ample resources would be found for effectually defraying the expense of vigorous preparations from the excess of the actual revenue beyond the ordinary revenue.

After acquainting the two Houses that the brilliant successes of the British arms in India, under the Marquis Cornwallis, had led to the termination of the war by an advantageous and honourable peace, his Majesty concluded by recommending the immediate adoption of such measures as might be necessary, under existing circumstances, for enforcing obedience to the laws, and for repressing every attempt to disturb the peace and tranquillity of the kingdom; and by promising his zealous and cordial co-operation in all their endeavours to preserve and to transmit to posterity the inestimable blessings which they themselves experienced.

An address, in approbation of the speech, was moved by Sir James Saunderson, the Lord Mayor of London, and seconded by Mr. Wallace. The Earl of Wycombe opposed the address, on the ground of its being, in a great measure, unintelligible to him; though he should not hesitate to say, that the speech calumniated the people of England; who, instead of discovering any symptoms of insurrection, were, at that very moment, overflowing with loyalty. He believed, that with respect to forms of government, there might be different opinions held in England; but they were merely speculative; and ought not to occasion any alarm to the Ministers of the Crown, unless they were called forth into action, and made the ground-work of active measures. As soon as the noble earl had concluded,

Mr. Fox rose and said :—" Although, Sir, what has fallen from the noble earl behind me contains the substance of almost all that I have to offer, and although by the tacit acknowledgment of all who heard him, insomuch that no one seemed ready to venture to rise up in answer to the noble earl, it must have produced the effects which good sense, truth, and solid argument never fail to produce on a great body, yet I cannot avoid offering my opinion on the present most critical and most alarming occasion. I am not so little acquainted with the nature of man, as not to know, that in public speaking, in order to engage the attention of the hearers, besides the efficacy of fair and candid reasoning, a man ought always to be in temper and unison with his audience. He ought to show, that however they may differ upon points, they are still pursuing in reality the same object, namely, the love of truth. With this object in view, I shall, Sir, state explicitly what are my sentiments on the subjects now presented to our notice by the speech from the throne. And first, I state it to be my conviction, that we are assembled at the most critical and momentous crisis, not only that I have ever known, but that I have ever read of in the history of this country-a crisis not merely interesting to ourselves, but to all nations; and that on the conduct of