Commons which would support a new Ministry—I ask them what they would do? Sir, there can be no difficulty in foreseeing and describing the progress downwards. First, there would be a mock reform-a Bassetlaw reform, worthy of those who, when a delinquent borough was to be punished, refused to transfer the franchise to a populous manufacturing town, but threw it into neighbouring hundreds-worthy of those who refused to give representatives to the three greatest manufacturing towns in the world—a reform fraught with all the evils of change and not a single benefit-a reform depriving the Government of the foundation of prescription, without substituting the foundation of reason and the public good-a reform which would unsettle establishments, without appeasing discontent-a reform by which the people would be at once encouraged and exasperated—encouraged by the sense of their own importance and the evident effect of their power, and exasperated because what they obtained was not what they had demanded. Then would come agitation, libels would abound, the press would be excited, and demagogues would harangue in every street. Coercion would only aggravate the evil. This is no age, this is no country for the war of power against the war of opinions. Those enemies to the public quiet, agitators and demagogues, who would be driven back by this Reform Bill to their proper insignificance, would become truly powerful, till, at the last, the law would be evaded and opposed till it became a mockery, and England would be reduced to the same condition in which Ireland was placed at the end of the year 1828. Then, amidst the cheers of the Whigs, who would be occupying their old places on that side of the House, and the grief and dismay of the Tories, who are now again trusting, to be again betrayed, some right hon. gentleman would rise from these benches, as did, on the 1st of March, the Paymaster of the Forces, to propose that Bill on which the hearts of the people are fixed. Then should we flatter ourselves that all had been done; but not so. The gratitude and delight with which the measure would be now received could no longer exist when the materials of agitation were ready. They would find themselves

in the condition of those in the old stories who evoked the fiends. When once the evil spirit is called up, you must find him work, or he will tear you in pieces. The noble lord opposite spoke of the Day of Sacrifices. Let him remember it was afterwards named the Day of Dupes, not because it was a Day of Sacrifices, but of sacrifices delayed too long. It was because the French aristocracy refused reform in 1783 that there was revolution in 1789. But we need not go far to see the danger of delaying inevitable concessions. Let us look to Ireland. Is not one such instance, when practically felt, enough to convince one generation?

I feel that some apology is due for the tone I have assumed; I fear that it may be deemed unbecoming in me to make any application to the fears of members of this House. But surely I may, without reproach, address myself to their honest fears. It is well to talk of opposing a firm front to sedition, and of using vigorous means to put down agitation. Those phrases are used very properly when they refer to some temporary excitement, to some partial disturbances, as in 1780, to stifle which the show of force and determination on the part of a Government is alone needed. Then it is well to show a bold front; but woe to the Government that cannot distinguish between a nation and a mob! woe to the Government that thinks a great and steady movement of mind is to be put down like a riot! This error has been twice fatal to the Bourbons; it may be fatal to the Legislature of this country if they should venture to foster it. I do believe that the irrevocable moment has arrived. Nothing can prevent the passing of this noble law-this second Bill of Rights. I do call it the second Bill of Rights, and so will the country call it, and so will our children. I call it a greater charter of the liberties of England. Eighteen hundred and thirty-one is destined to exhibit the first example of an established, of a deep-rooted system removed, without bloodshed, or violence, or rapine; all points being debated, every punctilio observed, the peaceful industry of the country never for a moment checked or compromised, and the authority of the law not for one instant suspended. These

are things of which we may well be proud. These are things which make us look with confidence and good hope to the future destinies of the human race. These are things that enable us to look forward to a long series of tranquil and happy years, in which we shall have a popular Government and a loyal people; and in which war, if war be inevitable, shall find us a united nation-of years pre-eminently distinguished by the progress of art and science, and of knowledge generally; by the diminution of the public burdens, and by all those victories of peace in which, more than in the most splendid military successes, consist the true prosperity of states and the glory of statesmen. Sir, it is with these feelings and with these hopes that I give my most cordial assent to the measure, considering it desirable in itself, and at the present moment, and in the present temper of the people, indispensably necessary to the repose of the empire and the stability of the Throne.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.

SEPTEMBER 20, 1831.

On the Third Reading of the Reform Bill (England).

Ir is not without great diffidence, sir, that I rise to address you on a subject which has been nearly exhausted. Indeed, I should not have risen had I not thought that, though the arguments on this question are for the most part old, our situation at present is in a great measure new. At length the Reform Bill, having passed without vital injury through all the dangers which threatened it, during a long and minute discussion, from the attacks of its enemies and from the dissensions of its friends, comes before us for our final ratification, altered, indeed, in some of its details for the better, and in some for the worse, but in its great principles still the same Bill which, on the 1st of March, was proposed to the late Parliament-the same Bill which was received with joy and gratitude by the whole nation-the same Bill which, in an instant, took away the power of interested agitators, and united in one firm body sects of sincere Reformers -the same Bill which, at the late election, received the approbation of almost every great constituent body in the empire. With a confidence which discussion has only strengthened, with an assured hope of great public blessings if the wish of the nation shall be gratified, with a deep and solemn apprehension of great public calamities if that wish shall be disappointed, I for the last time give my most hearty assent to this noble law, destined, I trust, to be the parent of many good laws, and, through a long series of years, to secure the repose and promote the prosperity of my country.

When I say that I expect this Bill to promote the prosperity of the country, I by no means intend to encourage those chimerical hopes which the hon. and learned member for Rye,

who has so much distinguished himself in this debate, has imputed to the Reformers. The people, he says, are for the Bill, because they expect that it will immediately relieve all their distresses. Sir, I believe that very few of that large and respectable class which we are now about to admit to a share of political power entertain any such absurd expectation. They expect relief, I doubt not, and I doubt not also that they will find it. But sudden relief they are far too wise to expect. The Bill, says the hon. and learned gentleman, is good for nothing-it is merely theoretical-it removes no real and sensible evil-it will not give the people more work, or higher wages, or cheaper bread. Undoubtedly, sir, the Bill will not immediately give all those things to the people. But will any institutions give them all those things? Do the present institutions of the country secure to them these advantages? If we are to pronounce the Reform Bill good for nothing, because it will not at once raise the nation from distress to prosperity, what are we to say of that system under which the nation has been of late sinking from prosperity into distress? The defect is not in the Reform Bill, but in the very nature of government. On the physical condition of the great body of the people government acts not as a specific, but as an alterative. Its operation is powerful, indeed, and certain, but gradual and indirect. The end of government is not directly to make the people rich, but to protect them in making themselves rich; and a Government which attempts more than this is precisely the Government which is likely to perform less. Governments do not and cannot support the people. We have no miraculous powers; we have not the rod of the Hebrew lawgiver-we cannot rain down bread on the multitude from heaven-we cannot smite the rock and give them to drink. We can give them only freedom to employ their industry to the best advantage, and security in the enjoyment of what their industry has acquired. These advantages it is our duty to give at the smallest possible cost. The diligence and forethought of individuals will thus have fair play; and it is only by the diligence and forethought of individuals that the community can become prosperous. I am not aware that his Majesty's Ministers, or any of the sup