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points in the deplorable history are sufficiently marked. They are the partial character of the original conquest of Henry II., retarding the progress of native civilisation;

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"The Annals of Dublin, 1846."

account, will find the books which the writer consulted in the following list, arranged as nearly as possible in the order in which they are founded on in the text :- "Giraldi Cambrensis Opera," ed. by Brewer, chap. xiv. of De Rebus a se Gestis. Lond. 1861; Vallency's "Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis. Dublin, 1786," [a series of valuable papers on Ancient Ireland]; Boates' "Ireland's Natural History. Lond. 1652;" "Jacobi Waræi de Hibernia, &c. Ed. sec. Lond. 1658;" "A View of the State of Ireland in the Yeare 1596. By Edmund Spenser. Dublin, 1632;" "A Discoverie of the State of Ireland. By Sir John Davis. Lond. 1613;" "The Political Anatomy of Ireland in 1672. By Sir William Petty. Lond. 1691." [The five works last mentioned, and several others of much value, are brought together in two volumes: "A Collection of Tracts and Treatises illustrative of the Natural History, Antiquities, and the Political and Social State of Ireland. Dublin. Reprinted by Alex. Thoms & Sons, 1860." These volumes have been printed by Mr Thoms for distribution only among his friends.] Hallam declines Petty's computations as "prodigiously vague." They are unsatisfactory, but they are the best that are to be had. Ireland by the Four Masters. Connellan's ed. [It is from the elaborate notes in this work that I have taken the trouble to gather the numbers of the Septs in some districts of Ireland, given at p. 187.] "Irish Statutes, vol. i. Dublin, 1765." [The Kilkenny Statutes are not in this volume. An account of them will be found in Sir John Davis' "Discoverie," "Tracts and Treatises," vol. i. p. 642, where also is evidence of the fact, that the Irish petitioned for admission to the Pale and benefits of English Law; and see Smyth's "Ireland," vol. i. p. 199. The Kilkenny Statutes were confirmed in their main provisions in 1495,-Rot. Parl. cap. 19.] For the proclamation by James I. of his NONtoleration (dated 4th July 1605), see Plowden's "Historical Review, Lond. 1803" (vol. i. p. 102). The proclamation was printed about 1843; but I have not been able to get a copy of it. For modern accounts, see "Ireland, Historical and Statistical, by George Lewis Smyth. 2 vols. Lond. 1844;" and "History of Ireland and the Irish People, by Samuel Smiles. Lond. 1844." Smiles is intensely Irish; Smyth takes a genealogical view of almost the whole matter. Leland's "History. Lond. 1773," 3 vols.; and

the primitive character of that civilisation preserved to a late date; the suddenness and bloodiness of the convulsions by which it was destroyed, and the unhappy

Plowden's "Historical Review of the State of Ireland. Lond. 1803," (3 vols.), are standard and well-known works. "Ireland, Social, Political, and Religious, by Gustave De Beaumont," now in a 3d (French) edition (there is an English edition by Taylor, Dublin, 1839), is perhaps less known. It is written from an Irish point of view, but is not the less an able performance. "Irish History and Irish Character. By Goldwin Smith. Oxford and London, 1861," is perhaps as fair, dispassionate, and philosophical an outline of Irish history as exists. "Ireland Before and After the Union. By R. M. Martin. London and Dublin, 1848," gives as lenient a view of the historical business as possible-has what the Irish would call "a strong flavour of the Castle." "English Misrule and Irish Misdeeds. By Aubrey De Vere. Lond. 1848," is Irish, yet true and effective. The whole of Hallam's 18th chapter "On Ireland," beginning p. 699, vol. ii., of "The Constitutional History of England. Lond. 1827," is of course worth careful study. For the passage from Hallam, cited in the text, see idem, vol. ii., p. 738. The best account of the Rebellion of 1641 is in "An History of the Life of James, Duke of Ormonde, 1610-1688, 2 vols. fol. By Thomas Carte. Lond. 1736." It is sufficient to refer to Mr Carlyle's "Life of Cromwell," and Macaulay's account of the Tyrconnel wars. As to the state of the lower classes, and as to the oppressions of which they were the victims, circa 1776-78, see "Tour in Ireland, by Arthur Young, 2d ed. 2 vols. Lond. 1789."

For the Treaty of Limerick see Smiles' "History," p. 240. It is there printed at length. For the acts passed in despite of it, see "History of the Penal Laws against the Irish Catholics from the year 1689 to the Union. By Sir Henry Parnell, Bart., M.P. 4th ed. 1825." And see the footnotes to Hallam's " History," vol. ii. pp. 761, 762; also O'Connell's "Ireland and the Irish," as cited by Smiles, p. 270. For the Petition of the Irish Catholics to George III. on his accession to the throne, see Smiles' "History," p. 317.-It is printed at length. For a defence of the Penal Code, see "Case of Toleration. By Edward Synge, &c., 2d edition. Dublin, 1726." For an account of the Risings after 1761, see "Irish Disturbances and the Irish Church Question. By Sir George Cornewall Lewis. Lond. 1836;" and see "Edinburgh Review," vol. lxx., p. 503, art. on the "Report of the Roden Committee."

circumstances which led the untrained people to regard, and hate, the new laws and institutions as mere instruments of oppression; the unfortunate laws which from the first prevented the intermixture of the conquering with the conquered race, and rested society on a basis of settled antipathies between its upper and lower sections; and, finally, the peculiar history of the emancipation of the native race. Winning nothing except through the rivalries and fears of their Anglo-Irish and English oppressors, the native Irish were trained to watchfulness, organisation, and agitation for more than half a century, and so were cursed alike with evil habits and vile leaders, whereby their freedom, when obtained, was robbed of value and effect. The Union, though carried by fraud, was the first really good thing done for Ireland by this country, and, had it been accompanied with the concession of the Catholic claims, might have done as much for its peace as it has done for its prosperity. Neither the land nor the Church question is now hopeless. In a manner truly appalling, famine has solved at once the problems of over-population, bankrupt landlords, and insecure titles. The Church, human justice must soon dispose of. And since, from 1835 at least, the aim has been to govern Ireland well and justly,-could Irishmen now be reasonable, being free and well governed, they might be happy. Yet the country itself is as disaffected as ever; a race of expatriated Irishmen inherit the traditions and hatreds of their proscribed and disinherited forefathers; and the "secret scourge" is still hanging over England.

No one can visit Ireland without being impressed with the universal discontent. There is disaffection in some form everywhere, and in almost every grade of society. It seems to be hereditary in the Irish heart

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and brain. Nay, it is even, as it were, in the very soil or in the air. It may be seen in some who have been but recently settled in the country, and the sojourner may feel that, did he remain long there, he should grow disaffected himself. The discontent in the better classes has no distinct assignable cause. It seems rather to be referable to a chronic mental perplexity, induced by the national history. The cause of disaffection among the lower orders is more apparent. The poor peasant, with his famished features, keen eyes, and murderous bludgeon, is, naturally enough, always ready to try the desperate chances of revolt. Till he is transformed into a well-fed, and, as a consequence, gay and happy being, there is no hope for Ireland.

What part Mr Drummond took in the government of Ireland, what he did and co-operated with others in doing, and what he aimed at doing for the good and tranquillity of the country, it is now my business to record.

CHAPTER XIV.

IRELAND, 1835-1839; A NEW REGIME FOR IRELAND; THE MULGRAVE ERA; DRUMMOND'S PART IN THE ADMINISTRATION; HIS QUALIFICATIONS FOR HIS OFFICE; HIS ZEAL FOR THE REDEMPTION OF IRELAND; HIS DUTIES AS UNDER SECRETARY; THE IMMEDIATE SCOPE OF THE FOLLOWING CHAPTERS.

THE feeling was general, in 1835, that something, or several things, must be done for Ireland. The state of parties in Parliament made it probable that something would be done, and certain that several things would be attempted. The Whigs owed their resumption of office, as they were for years to owe its continuance, to the support of the Irish Liberal Members. The exigencies of their position thus urged them to efforts on behalf of Ireland. Measures which had been initiated or contemplated on principle, were now to be pursued on party policy; which also made more manifest the necessity for other measures before unthought of. The Whigs announced a new regime for Ireland. They set to themselves the task of amending, by legislation, some of the social and some of the most important political institutions of that country. They sent over to it a government directed to administer its affairs on new principles; which should aim at discharging religious rancour from the public mind by acting with imparti

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