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of our greatest princes, fuch as Ethorial, Ollamh-fodlah, Cormoc, &c. Ireland, as well in her Chriftian, as in her Ethnic ftate, deemed it the moft precious monument of her glory and of her antiquity. In the feverest scrutinies our annals underwent-thefe truths were never doubted.' Farther, to fe cure our affent to all which, he endeavours to procure, as we have obferved, the aid of foreign evidence.

But amidst this glory which redounds to Ireland from its early, military, and learned ancestors, it may be demanded, and our Hiftorian asks, If the ancient Irish were these extraordinary luminaries fo celebrated by antiquity, but particulary by the early Greeks, how is this to be reconciled to the picture given of them by their fucceffors? Strabo tells us, that the Irish were the most abominable and deteftable of people; that they devoured human flesh, even that of their parents; committed inceft, &c. Among the Latins, Mela and Solinus, are equally fevere, in the fhort accounts they have left of this people. But, fays our Author, the account they give of the country itself is the best defence of its inhabitants; for they tell us, it is cold, bleak, and unhofpitable, scarce affording trees or vegetation, much lefs milk or honey! He farther obferves, that however celebrated the Greeks were at a remote period for commerce and navigation, after their conqueft by the Romans they were no longer confidered in that light; and farther, he remarks, it does not appear, that the Romans, after the deftruction of Carthage, gave much attention to commerce; nay, fo little did they know even of Britain, notwithstanding Cæfar's conqueft of it, and the different generals who afterwards governed there, that it was not till the reign of Domitian that they obferved it to be an ifland! So little informed, he adds, of a country in their poffeffion for more than a century, we muft not be furprized if subsequent writers grofsly misreprefented a nation, the avowed enemies of Rome. Inftructed, that every thing fhould fubmit to Roman power, they reprefented whatever oppofed this darling opinion in the most unfavourable light. If the ancient Irish were the favage nation those writers defcribed them to be, we should be able to trace fome remains of it. But even at this day, though DOUBLED by the hard hands of oppreffion and tyranny, the very common people difplay more innate virtue, bravery, and hofpitality, than those of any other nation of Europe!

But we will be lefs furprized at this account from these writers, when we reflect on the treatment we have received from British writers, even in this enlightened age. We see our hiftorians have affirmed, that the Welch are the defcendants of our Breotan, as the people of Devonshire and Cornwall are of our Tuatha De Danaans, and the Brigantes from Breogan, B 4

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grandfather to our Milefius. The venerable Bede extolls, in the highest manner, the learning, the fanctity, and munificence of the Irish nation, and acknowledges, that by them the Saxons were converted to chriftianity, and inftructed in letters. Nor is Camden lefs diffufive in his acknowledgment of the bounty and humanity of our ancestors; yet this lame Camden, the moment he enters on that part of their history, in which they oppose the English tyranny and oppreffion, declares them a cruel and barbarous people, though ftill adhering to the fame laws and customs, which made them fo confpicuous in times of freedom and independency! Nor have fubfequent British writers, from that period to this day, blushed at pouring out the most illiberal and unjust abuses on our country, and her gallant fons. This being the cafe with the South-Britons, what ihall I fay of their northern neighbours? This people, though confeffedly an Irish colony, protected and supported by the mother in times of diftrefs, and at length, through her means, arriving at the fupreme command of that country-the Irish, the vernacular tongue through the whole ftate two or three centuries ago, and ftill the language of one half-Yet North British writers have, within a century paft, been even, if poffible, more fcurrilous and fevere than their fouthern neighbours. Thus much, I hope, will fuffice, for an eternal answer to all the arguments from Strabo, Mela, and Solinus,'

Here we shall for the present take leave of this Author, intending to give a farther account of his performance in our next Review.

ART. IV. A Philofophical Survey of the South of Ireland. In a Series of Letters to John Watkinson, M. D. 8vo. 6 s. Boards. Cadell. 1777:

IN

TN this Survey of part of an ifland, lefs known perhaps to Englishmen than any of the other territories dependent on the British crown, the ingenious Author, to use nearly his own words, prefents us with sketches of the country through which he travels; and comparisons of its prefent ftate with that which it formerly exhibited, and is capable of exhibiting in future. Left these representations fhould feem overcharged with ftill life, he heightens and animates the profpect with human figures, as they prefent themselves before him; and to vary the fcenery, interfperfes retrospective, prefent, and future views of manners, cuftoms, and arts. In his progrefs, without any other attention to method than what naturally arifes from the courfe of his pereginations, he judiciously difcuffes a great variety of fubjects, on which he throws much new light. The principal of these are, the political fate of Ireland, the neceffity of an union with England, accounts of the Oak-boys, Steelboys, and White-boys; the ftate of religion, and the impolicy of

the

the penal laws against the Roman Catholics; manufactures, commerce, and agriculture; ancient hiftory, monuments, and remains of antiquity; phyfical obfervations with respect to climate, temperature, &c. and accounts of learned men and artifts; together with a variety of anecdotes occafionally intro

duced.

In our further account of this miscellaneous work, we shall imitate the Author's general plan, in not following any other method, in the extracts which we fhall give from it, than that of prefenting them in the order in which they occur.

The Author's first letters are dated from Dublin. In one of these he relates the many striking fingularities of a Mr. M—e; a gentleman of fortune, and a member of the Irish parliament; who had lived much at Rome, where he had made a moft pleafing collection of pictures, which the Author vifited at Summerbill, in the neighbourhood of Dublin. This Virtuofo, greatly foaring above his Dutch guides in gardening, and difdaining to piddle with the spade and sheers, in shaping his parterre into mathematical figures, and cutting his trees into globes and pyramids, nobly refolved to indulge his minute genius in executing the following gigantesque plan.

Inftead of following nature, fays the Author, in ornamenting his demefne, he took up the whimfical thought of cutting it into the form of a thistle. I have it from a gentleman, who has often feen the park, that he cut a deep and wide trench, of a mile in circumference for the bulb of the flower, with double ramparts from thence, forming the petals, with clumps of trees representing the down; the avenue to his houfe was for the ftalk, and the feveral fields branching from thence, and from each other, delineated the leaves. This indeed was madness, but you must allow there was method in it.'

Speaking of the Irish language, the Author is inclined to ascribe to it a very high antiquity, principally on the authority of Major Vallancy; who has brought to light fome very old Irish manuscripts, particularly one intitled, Lessons for a Prince. It was addressed to that celebrated monarch of Ireland, Brien Boiromhe, who exterminated the Danes at the battle of Clontarfe. The style, says the Author, which is not unlike [that of] the Proverbs of Solomon, marks the very high antiquity of it; and the fine moral and poetical spirit which animates the whole piece, fufficiently evinces that civilization had made a confiderable progress here before the invasion of our fe cond Henry.'

In an effay on the antiquity of this language, the fame learned foldier has fhewn, from a collation of the Irish with the Punic, that the former has a ftrong admixture of the Phonician. His mode of proceeding, fays the Author, is very fatif

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factory. He takes that scene of Plautus, wherein a Carthaginian flave is introduced fpeaking in his mother-tongue; and comparing it verbum verbo with the Irifh, which is now generally acknowledged to be the pureft dialect of the Celtic, fhews the agreement between the two languages; which is indeed fo ftriking, that even a person who understands neither may per ceive it, by a bare infpection of the words.'

We know not whether the Author meant to confider the Irish bowl, or the Cry which the females fet up in this country on conducting their dead to the grave, as originating from the Phoenicians: but, after taking notice that this cuftom, or the Conclamatio as it was called by the Romans, was anciently prac tifed by the Hebrews and the Greeks likewife; he adds, that it is evident that the Phoenicians ufed it, from the teftimony of Virgil, who was very correct in the Costume of his characters."The Conclamatio over the Phoenician Dido, as defcribed by him, is fimilar to the Irish cry:

Lamentis, Gemituque, & famineo Ululatu
Tecta fremunt.

The very word, Ululatus, or Hulluloo, and the Greek word, of the fame import, have all a strong affinity to each other.'

In his progrefs the author meets with many occafions to lament. the prevailing attention to the breed of fheep, the confequent depopulation of the country, and the neglect of agriculture; as well as the reftriction or rather the fuppreffion of the woolen manufacture, which he endeavours to prove, has been ruinous to Ireland, is injurious to England, and beneficial only to France. He likewife fhews the bad policy of our penal laws against the numerous Roman Catholics of this kingdom; for the repeal of which he ftrongly pleads, both on the principles of equity and policy. In anfwer to thofe who exclaim against the virulence of Irish Popery; he obferves that though our laws no longer confider the Roman Catholics there as abfolute outlaws and enemies, they are treated in many refpects as aliens and how can we expect that they, who are the body of the people, can ever be zealous friends of government, whilft they defpair of reciprocal acts of friendship and protection?

But granting the difaffection of the Roman Catholics of Ireland were as malignant, as it is reprefented to be by their well-meaning Proteftant neighbours, is not that a fufficient reafon for altering a conduct towards them, which experience has proved so ineffectual to reclaim them? Can they expect cordial affection in return for legal interdicts? Can partial laws command more than partial obedience? If a yoke be heavy, will it not gall? If chains are iron, will they not fometimes rattle? Loose these chains, throw off this yoke, and repeal thefe laws; confer benefits, expect affection, and receive gratitude. Before you hope for the duties of loyal fubjection, impart

the

the bleffings of an equal dominion. Before you think of reaping the fruits, fow the feeds of true self-intereft. Make people happy, and you may make them loyal.'

The caufes of the various rifings of White-boys, Oak-boys, &c. have been fo little understood on this fide the water, that we cannot perhaps give any more acceptable extracts from this work, than by transcribing a part of the authentic information with which the Author furnishes us on these fubjects. The infurrection of the White-boys, which cannot even yet be faid to be quelled, is related and accounted for thus:

The original caufe of the rifing of the White-boys was this: "Some landlords in Munfter fet their lands to cottiers far above their value; and, to lighten their burden, allowed commonage to their tenants, by way of recompence: afterwards, in defpite of all equity, contrary to all compacts, the landlords inclofed thefe commons, and precluded their unhappy tenants from the only means of making their bargains tolerable *." Too ignorant to know the law, and too poor to bear the expence of it, they betook themfelves to violence, as their only refource. As mobs fe'dom rife without fuffering fome grievance, and never fubfide without doing fome injury; fo thefe infurgents, having no, profpect of redrefs, began to direct their vengeance against the clergy. The deluded rabble, fmarting under the galling load of oppreffion, fled every where for relief, but where they ought. And, in order to divert their attention from themselves, it became the policy of the landlord and grazier to cherish, or at least connive at, the spirit of curtailing the church of its pit

tance.

• In fome places they will not fuffer the parfon to have any affiftant in letting his tithes. And if any one be fo hardy as to lend his aid, he rifques the loss of his ears, or his nofe, or both. In other places, they refuse abfolutely to pay thofe dues the law fpecifies. And in all, they pay with grudging and ill blood. So that the cafe of the clergy in this province is deplorable. For how can a man of liberal fentiment fubmit to the low drudgery of chaffering and dodging with each parishioner, moft of whom would ufe every art chicane can devife, to outwit and deceive him? If the parfon give up to each demand, his income is frittered down to nothing; and if he does not, he muft study all the little tricks of bargain-making, and fo degrade

* See An Inquiry into the Causes of the Outrages committed by the Levellers or White boys, printed 1762, where the following ludicrous story is told from Saunderfon's K. James: "A commotion was stirred up by fome commoners, againft engroffing their grounds, when the King in a hunting journey happened to pass that way, and turning fhort at the corner of a common, happened near to a countryman fitting by the heels in the ftocks, who cried Hofannah! to his Majelly; which invited the King to ask the reason of his reftraint. Sir Thomas faid, it was for ftealing geefe from the common. The fellow replied, I beseech your Majefty, who is the greater thief, I, for ftealing geefe from the common; or his worship, for ftealing the common from the geese? The King immediately ordered the witty fellow to be releafed, and the common to be restored to the poor."

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