soldier; as I have good authority for saying, that, however high the men's pay may appear, it is barely sufficient, in the present scarcity and dearness of all kinds of goods, to keep them in clothes, much less afford support to their families. of these we have two sorts, six months' men, and those sent in as temporary aid) do not think themselves subject to them, and therefore take liberties which the soldier is punished for. This creates jealousy: jealousy begets dissatisfaction and these by degrees, ripen into mutiny, keeping the whole army in a confused and disordered state; rendering the time of those who wish to see regularity and good describe. Besides this, such repeated changes take place that all arrangement is set at nought, and the constant fluctuation of things deranges every plan as fast as adopted. If this encouragement then is given to the men, and such pay allowed the officers as will induce gentlemen of character and liberal sentiments, to engage, and proper care and pre-order prevail, more unhappy than words can caution used in the nomination (having more regard to the characters of persons than the number of men they can enlist) we should, in a little time, have an army able to cope with any that can be opposed to it, as there are excellent materials to form one. But while the only merit an officer possesses, is his ability to raise men; while those men consider and treat him as an equal, and, in the character of an officer, regard him no more than a broom-stick, being mixed together as one common herd, no order nor discipline can prevail; nor will the officer ever meet with that respect which is essentially necessary to due subordination. These, sir, congress may be assured, are but a small part of the inconveniences which might be enumerated, and attributed to militia; but there is one that merits particular attention, and that is the expense. Certain I am, that it would be cheaper to keep fifty or a hundred thousand in constant pay, than to depend upon half the number, and supply the other half occasionally by militia. The time the latter are in pay, before and after they are in camp, assembling, and marching; the waste of ammunition, the consumption of stores, which, in spite of every resolution or requisition of congress, they must be furnished with, or sent home, added to other incidental expenses consequent upon their coming and conduct in camp, surpasses all idea, and destroys every kind of To place any dependence upon militia is assuredly resting upon a broken staff; men just dragged from the tender scenes of domestic life; unaccustomed to the din of arms; totally unacquainted with military skill; which being followed by a want of confidence in themselves, when opposed to troops regularly trained, disciplined, and appointed; superior in knowl-regularity and economy which you could estabedge and superior in arms, makes them timid and ready to fly from their own shadows. Besides, the sudden change in their manner of living, particularly in their lodgings, brings on sickness in many, impatience in all: and such an unconquerable desire of returning to their respective homes, that it not only produces shameful and scandalous desertions among themselves, but infuses the like spirit into others. Again; men accustomed to unbounded freedom and no control, cannot brook the restraint which is indispensably necessary to the good order and government of an army; without which, licentiousness and every kind of disorder | triumphantly reign. To bring men to a proper degree of subordination is not the work of a day, a month, or even a year: and, unhappily for us and the cause we are engaged in, the little discipline I have been laboring to establish in the army under my immediate command, is in a manner done away, by having such a mixture of troops as have been called together within these few months. Relaxed and unfit as our rules and regulations of war are, for the government of an army, the militia (those properly so called; for lish among fixed and settled troops, and will, in my opinion, prove, if the scheme is adhered to, the ruin of our cause. The jealousies of a standing army, and the evils to be apprehended from one, are remote, and, in my judgment, situated and circumstanced as we are, not at all to be dreaded; but the consequence of wanting one, according to my ideas, formed from the present view of things, is certain and inevitable ruin. For, if I was called upon to declare upon oath, whether the militia have been most serviceable or hurtful, upon the whole, I should subscribe to the latter. I do not mean by this, however, to arraign the conduct of congress; in so doing I should equally condemn my own measures, if I did not my judgment; but experience, which is the best criterion to work by, so fully, so clearly, and decisively reprobates the practice of trusting to militia, that no man, who regards order, regularity and economy, or who has any regard for his own honor, character, or peace of mind, will risk them upon this issue. An army formed of good officers moves like clock-work; but there is no situation upon earth less enviable nor more distressing than that person's who is at the head of troops who | of a brighter day than hath hitherto illuminated are regardless of order and discipline, and who the western hemisphere. On such a happy are unprovided with almost every necessary. day, which is the harbinger of peace, a day In a word, the difficulties which have forever which completes the eighth year of the war, it surrounded me, since I have been in the service, would be ingratitude not to rejoice; it would and kept my mind constantly upon the stretch; be insensibility not to participate in the general the wounds which my feelings, as an officer, felicity. have received by a thousand things which have happened contrary to my expectations and wishes: added to a consciousness of my inability to govern an army composed of such discordant parts, and under such a variety of intricate and perplexing circumstances, induce, not only a belief, but a thorough conviction in my mind, that it will be impossible, unless there is a thorough change in our military system, for me to conduct matters in such a manner as to give satisfaction to the public, which is all the recompense I aim at, or ever wished for. Before I conclude, I must apologize for the liberties taken in this letter, and for the blots and scratchings therein, not having time to give it more correctly. With truth, I can add, that, with every sentiment of respect and esteem, I am yours and the congress's most obedient, etc. GEORGE WASHINGTON. GENERAL WASHINGTON'S The commander in chief, far from endeavoring to stifle the feelings of joy in his own bosom, offers his most cordial congratulations on the occasion to all the officers of every denomination; to all the troops of the United States in general; and in particular to those gallant and persevering men who had resolved to defend the rights of their invaded country, so long as the war should continue. For these are men who ought to be considered as the pride and boast of the American army; and who, crowned with well earned laurels, may soon withdraw from the field of glory to the more tranquil walks of civil life. While the commander in chief recollects the almost infinite variety of scenes through which we have past, with a mixture of pleasure, astonishment, and gratitude; while he contemplates the prospects before us with rapture, he cannot help wishing that all the brave, of whatever condition they may be, who have shared the toils and dangers of effecting this glorious revolution; of rescuing millions from the hand of oppression, and of laying the foundation of a great empire, might be impressed with a proper idea of the dignified part they have been GENERAL ORDERS ISSUED TO THE ARMY, called to act. under the smiles of Providence APRIL 18, 1783. HEADQUARTERS, CHATHAM, April 18, 1783. The commander in chief orders the cessation of hostilities between the United States of America and the king of Great Britain, to be publicly proclaimed to-morrow at twelve o'clock, at the new building; and that the proclamation which will be communicated herewith, be read to-morrow evening at the head of every regiment and corps of the army; after which the chaplains, with the several brigades, will render thanks to the Almighty God for all his mercies, particularly for his over-ruling the wrath of man to his own glory, and causing the rage of war to cease among the nations. Although the proclamation before alluded to, extends only to the prohibition of hostilities, and not to the annunciation of a general peace, yet it must afford the most rational and sincere satisfaction to every benevolent mind, as it puts a period to a long and doubtful contest, stops the effusion of human blood, opens the prospect to a more splendid scene, and, like another morning star, promises the approach on the stage of human affairs; for happy, thrice happy! shall they be pronounced hereafter, who have contributed anything, who have performed the meanest office in erecting this stupendous fabric of freedom and empire, on the broad basis of independency; who have assisted in protecting the rights of human nature, and established an asylum for the poor and oppressed of all nations and religions. The glorious task for which we first flew to arms being accomplished-the liberties of our country being fully acknowledged and firmly secured by the smiles of heaven on the purity of our cause; and the honest exertions of a feeble people, determined to be free, against a powerful nation disposed to oppress them; and the character of those who have persevered, through every extremity of hardship, suffering and danger, being immortalized by the illustrious appellation of the patriot army-nothing now remains but for the actors of this mighty scene to preserve a perfect unvarying consistency of character through the very last act, to close the drama with applause; and to retire from the military theatre with the same approbation, | remainder of life, in a state of undisturbed of angels and men, which have crowned all repose; but, before I carry this resolution into their former virtuous actions. For this purpose effect, I think it a duty incumbent on me to no disorder or licentiousness must be tolerated. make this my last official communication, to Every considerate and well disposed soldier congratulate you on the glorious events which must remember it will be absolutely necessary heaven has been pleased to produce in our to wait with patience until peace shall be de- favor; to offer my sentiments respecting some clared, or congress shall be enabled to take important subjects, which appear to me to be proper measures for the security of the public intimately connected with the tranquility of stores, etc. As soon as these arrangements the United States; to take my leave of your shall be made, the general is confident, there excellency as a public character; and to give will be no delay in discharging, with every my final blessing to that country, in whose mark of distinction and honor, all the men en- service I have spent the prime of my life; for listed for the war, who will then have faithfully whose sake I have consumed so many anxious performed their engagements with the public. days and watchful nights, and whose happiThe general has already interested himself in ness, being extremely dear to me, will always their behalf, and he thinks he need not repeat constitute no inconsiderable part of my own. the assurance of his disposition to be useful to them on the present, and every other proper occasion. In the mean time, he is determined that no military neglects or excesses shall go unpunished, while he retains the command of the army. The adjutant-general will have such working parties detached, to assist in making the preparations for a general rejoicing, as the chief engineer of the army shall call for; and the quarter-master general will, without delay, procure such a number of discharges to be printed as will be sufficient for all the men enlisted for the war-he will please to apply to head quarters for the form. An extra ration of liquor to be issued to every man to-morrow to drink " Perpetual peace and happiness to the United States of America." GENERAL WASHINGTON'S. CIRCULAR LETTER TO THE Governors OF EACH OF THE STATES. Announcing his proposed retirement from the | " Impressed with the liveliest sensibility on this pleasing occasion, I will claim the indul. gence of dilating the more copiously on the subject of our mutual felicitation. When we consider the magnitude of the prize we contended for, the doubtful nature of the contest and the favorable manner in which it has terminated, we shall find the greatest possible reason for gratitude and rejoicing. This is a theme that will afford infinite delight to every benevolent and liberal mind, whether the event in contemplation be considered as a source of present enjoyment, or the parent of future happiness; and we shall have equal occasion to felicitate ourselves on the lot which Providence has assigned us, whether we view it in a natural, a political, or moral point of light. "The citizens of America, placed in the most enviable condition, as the sole lords and proprietors of a vast tract of continent, comprehending all the various soils and climates of the world, and abounding with all the necessaries and conveniences of life, are now, by the late satisfactory pacification, acknowledged to be possessed of absolute freedom and independency: they are from this period to be considtheatre, which seems to be peculiarly designed ered as the actors on a most conspicuous by Providence for the display of human greatness and felicity. Here they are not only surrounded with every thing that can contribute to the completion of private and domestic enjoyment, but heaven has crowned all its other blessings, by giving a surer opportunity for political happiness, than any other nation has ever been favored with. Nothing can illustrate these observations more forcibly than a recollection of the happy conjuncture of times and circumstances, under which our republic assumed its rank among the nations.-The foundation of our empire was not laid in a gloomy age of ignorance and superstition, but | perhaps, remark, I am stepping out of the at an epocha when the rights of mankind were proper line of my duty; and they may probably better understood and more clearly defined, ascribe to arrogance or ostentation, what I than at any former period. Researches of the know is alone the result of the purest intention. human mind after social happiness have been But the rectitude of my own heart, which discarried to a great extent; the treasures of dains such unworthy motives; the part I have knowledge acquired by the labors of philos- hitherto acted in life; the determination I have ophers, sages, and legislators, through a long formed of not taking any share in public busisuccession of years are laid open for us, and ness hereafter, the ardent desire I feel, and their collected wisdom may be happily applied shall continue to manifest, of quietly enjoying in the establishment of our forms of govern-in private life, after all the toils of war, the ment. The free cultivation of letters, the benefits of a wise and liberal government, unbounded extension of commerce, the progres-will, I flatter myself, sooner or later, convince sive refinement of manners, the growing liber-my country, that I could have no sinister views ality of sentiment, and, above all, the pure and in delivering, with so little reserve, the opinion benign light of revelation, have had a meliora- contained in this address. ting influence on mankind, and increased the blessings of society. At this auspicious period, the United States came into existence as a nation; and if their citizens should not be completely free and happy, the fault will be entirely their own. Such is our situation, and such are our prospects. But notwithstanding the cup of blessing is thus reached out to us; notwithstanding happiness is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the occasion, and make it our own, yet it appears to me there is an option still left to the United States of America, whether they will be respectable and prosperous, or contemptible and miserable as a nation. This is the time of their political probation: this is the moment when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them: this is the time to establish or ruin their national character forever: this is the favorable moment to give such a tone to the federal government, as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution: or, this may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the union, annihilating the cement of the confederation, and exposing us to become the sport of European politics, which may play one state against another, to prevent their growing importance, and to serve their own interested purposes. For, according to the system of policy the states shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall; and by their confirmation or lapse, it is yet to be decided, whether the revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing or a curse, not to the present age alone, for with our fate will the destiny of unborn millions be involved. "With this conviction of the importance of the present crisis, silence in me would be a crime; I will therefore speak to your excellency the language of freedom and sincerity, without disguise. I am aware, however, those who differ from me in political sentiments may, "There are four things which, I humbly conceive, are essential to the well being, I may even venture to say, to the existence, of the United States, as an independent power. "Ist. An indissoluble union of the states under one federal head. "2dly. A sacred regard to public justice. "3dly. The adoption of a proper peace establishment. And, "4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition among the people of the United States, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies; to make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the general prosperity; and in some instances, to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the community. "These are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our independency and national character must be supported. Liberty is the basisand whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn the structure, under whatever specious pretext he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration, and the severest punishment, which can be inflicted by his injured country. "On the three first articles I will make a few observations, leaving the last to the good sense and serious consideration of those immediately concerned. Under the first head, although it may not be necessary or proper for me in this place to enter into a particular disquisition of the principles of the union, and to take up the great question which has been frequently agitated, whether it be expedient and requisite for the states to delegate a larger proportion of power to congress, or not; yet it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true patriot, to assert, without reserve, and to insist upon the following positions:-That, unless the states will suffer congress to exercise those prerogatives they are undoubtedly invested with by the con- | pendency of America can hesitate a single stitution, every thing must very rapidly tend to moment respecting the propriety of complying anarchy and confusion: That it is indispens- with the just and honorable measures proposed. able to the happiness of the individual states, If their arguments do not produce conviction, that there should be lodged, somewhere, a I know of nothing that will have greater influsupreme power to regulate and govern the ence, especially when we reflect that the system general concerns of the confederated republic, referred to, being the result of the collected without which the union cannot be of long wisdom of the continent, must be esteemed, if duration. That there must be a faithful and not perfect, certainly the least objectionable, pointed compliance on the part of every state of any that could be devised; and that, if it with the late proposals and demands of con- should not be carried into immediate execution, gress, or the most fatal consequences will a national bankruptcy, with all its deplorable ensue: That whatever measures have a ten- consequences, will take place before any differdency to dissolve the union, or contribute to ent plan can possibly be proposed or adopted; violate or lessen the sovereign authority, ought so pressing are the present circumstances, and to be considered as hostile to the liberty and such is the alternative now offered to the independence of America, and the authors of states. them treated accordingly. And, lastly, that, unless we can be enabled by the concurrence | of the states to participate in the fruits of the revolution, and enjoy the essential benefits of civil society, under a form of government so free and uncorrupted, so happily guarded against the danger of oppression, as has been devised and adopted by the articles of confederation, it will be a subject of regret, that so much blood and treasure have been lavished for no purpose; that so many sufferings have been encountered without a compensation, and that so many sacrifices have been made in vain. Many other considerations might here be adduced to prove, that, without an entire conformity to the spirit of the union, we cannot exist as an independent power. It will be sufficient for my purpose to mention but one or two, which seem to me of the greatest importance. It is only in our united character as an empire, that our independence is acknowledged, that our power can be regarded, or our credit supported among foreign nations. The treaties of the European powers with the United States of America, will have no validity on a dissolution of the union. We shall be left nearly in a state of nature; or we may find, by our own unhappy experience, that there is a natural and necessary progression from the extreme of anarchy to the extreme of tyranny; and that arbitrary power is most easily established on the ruins of liberty, abused to licentiousness. "As to the second article, which respects the performance of public justice, congress have, in their late address to the United States, almost exhausted the subject; they have explained their ideas so fully, and have enforced the obligations the states are under to render complete justice to all the public creditors, with so much dignity and energy, that, in my opinion, no real friend to the honor and inde "The ability of the country to discharge the debts which have been incurred in its defence, is not to be doubted; and inclination, I flatter myself, will not be wanting. The path of our duty is plain before us; honesty will be found, on every experiment, to be the best and only true policy. Let us then, as a nation, be just; let us fulfil the public contracts which congress had undoubtedly a right to make for the purpose of carrying on the war, with the same good faith we suppose ourselves bound to perform our private engagements. In the meantime, let an attention to the cheerful performance of their proper business, as individuals, and as members of society, be earnestly inculcated on the citizens of America; then will they strengthen the bands of government, and be happy under its protection. Every one will reap the fruit of his labors: every one will enjoy his own acquisitions, without molestation and without danger. "In this state of absolute freedom and perfect security, who will grudge to yield a very little of his property to support the common interests of society, and ensure the protection of government? Who does not remember the frequent declarations at the commencement of the war-that we should be completely satisfied if, at the expense of one half, we could defend the remainder of our possessions? Where is the man to be found, who wishes to remain in debt, for the defence of his own person and property, to the exertions, the bravery, and the blood of others, without making one generous effort to pay the debt of honor and of gratitude? In what part of the continent shall we find any man, or body of men, who would not blush to stand up and propose measures purposely calculated to rob the soldier of his stipend, and the public creditor of his due ? And were it possible that such a flagrant in |