Things now wore a dreadful aspect in that | landed his army (about 12,000 men) the 30th part of America: but general Stark soon changed the countenance of affairs. With a body of 2000 men, principally militia, he attacked (August 16th) lieutenant col. Baum at Bennington, stormed his works, killed about 200 of his men, took 656 prisoners, together with four brass field pieces and a considerable quantity of baggage; losing only about 30 men killed and 50 wounded. This successful attack at once rescued the country from massacre and ruin; and deprived general Burgoyne of those supplies that alone could enable him to advance; nor was it less important in respect to the time at which it was made. For at this juncture, fort Stanwix was hard pressed by gen. St. Ledger who, having advanced from lake Ontario, had laid siege to it on the second of August. Gen. Arnold had been preparing to march to its relief, and he had now full liberty to continue his route. His near approach compelled the enemy with precipitation to raise the siege, (Aug. 22) leaving their tents, and a large part of their ammunition, stores, provision and baggage, nor did he lose any time in setting out in pursuit of them.

of August, on Turkey-point, at the head of the bay. Skirmishing with the American light troops he pushed on to Brandy-wine creek, behind which Washington was posted to obstruct his passage. By a double onset on the 11th of September, at Chad's ford and Jones' six miles above, where, because of uncertain and contradictory intelligence, Washington had not made a disposition adequate to the force with which the enemy attacked, they crossed, first at Jones' and then at Chad's. The engagement was long and obstinate. The highest account does not make our whole loss exceed 1000 men and 9 field pieces; the lowest statement of the enemy's is not so low as 1,000 killed—a slaughter from which we may form some idea of the proportion of their wounded. Not having made good the defence of the Brandywine the American army fell back six and twenty miles to the Schuylkill: nor did gen. Howe derive any advantage from the possession of the field of battle. This is the 40th day since the engagement, and we have heard from Philadelphia, in less than half the time, circumstances furnishing reasonable ground to conclude, that for at least three weeks after his victory, gen. Howe made no impression upon the army of the United States; and that he

no small price. He carried Bunker's hill, but he lost Boston. I trust he has passed the Brandy-wine but to sacrifice his army, as it were in presence of our illustrious congress, as an atonement for his ravages and conflagation in America.

Such unexpected strokes utterly disconcerted general Burgoyne. Our militia began to assemble in considerable numbers. He now anxiously cast his eye behind to Ticonderoga ; | purchased his passage of the Brandy-wine at and wished to trace back his steps. But while gen. Gates was advancing against his front, at Still-water, with a superior force, the fruit of Bennington and Stanwix, a part of the American troops had occupied the posts in his rear, and were penetrating to Ticonderoga. In their advance they took 200 batteaux and 293 prisoners; and having seized the old French lines near that fortress, on the 18th September they summoned the place to surrender. Later advices which, though not indisputable, yet well authenticated, say, gen. Burgoyne is totally defeated and taken prisoner, and that Ticon-able condition. As to trade, we are the grand deroga with all its stores is in our possession. Indeed, from the events we already know, we have every reason to believe that the American arms are decisively triumphant in that quarter.

As to general Howe, at the head of the grand British army, even when the campaign was far advanced, he had not done any thing in aid of his master's promise, in June last, to his parliament, that his forces would "effectually crush" America in the course of "the present campaign." Driven from the Jerseys, and having embarked his troops on the 23d of July, he put to sea from Sandy-Hook with 226 sail; and having entered the Chesapeake, he

Having thus taken a general and concise view of the progress of the war in the north, let us now turn our attention to our situation at home. In respect of our government, it is affectionately obeyed. With regard to cannon, arms and ammunition, we are in a truly respect

emporium for the continent. Oh! that I could but give as good an account of the public vigor of the people. Alas! it seems to have been exported in the same bottoms with the growth of their lands. What! are we sensible that we are yet at war with Great Britain ? We proceed as if we had totally vanquished the enemy. Are we aware, that to continue such a conduct is to allure them to act in this state, that tragedy they performed the last winter in the Jerseys? Do we intend to acquire an experimental knowledge of the horrors of war? Do we desire to be driven from this beautiful town-to be dispossessed of this valuable seat of trade-to see ourselves flying we know not

MICHIGAN University of

SOUTH CAROLINA.

35

whither our heirs uselessly sacrificed in our ones, perhaps, may drive us into a state of se
sight, and their bodies mangled with repeated curity. The miser, amidst all his anxiety to
stabs of bayonets? Tell me, do you mean add to his heap, is yet careful to provide a
that your ears shall be pierced with the una- strong box for its safety. Shall we neglect even
vailing shrieks of your wives, and the agoniz- such an example of prudence? Pride raised
ing screams of your daughters under the brutal Cassius's dagger against Cæsar, and procured
violence of British or Brunswick ruffians? him the glorious title of the last of the Romans.
Rouse, ROUSE yourselves into an activity capa- We were the first in America, who publicly
ble of securing you against these horrors. In pronounced lord North's famous conciliatory
every quarter the enemy are vanquished or motion, inadmissible-we raised the first regu-
baffled. They are at a stand; cease, my be- lar forces upon the continent, and for a term
loved countrymen, cease, by your languor in the of three years-we first declared the causes of
public defence, and your ardor after private taking up arms—we originated the councils of
gain, to invite them to turn their steps this safety-we were among the first, who led the
way and seize your country as a rich and easy way to independence, by establishing a constitu-
prey. The states of America are attacked by tion of government-we were the first whe
Britain. They ought to consider themselves made a law authorizing the capture of British
as an army drawn up to receive the shock of vessels without distinction-we alone have
assault, and from the nature of their ground, defeated a British fleet-we alone have
occupying thirteen towns and villages in the victoriously pierced through and reduced a
extent of their line. Common prudence dic- | powerful nation of Indians, who, urged by Bri-
tates that the several corps, in their respective tain, had attacked the United States. But
stations, during the whole time they are such brilliant proceedings, unless supported
in battalia, should use the utmost vigilance with propriety, will cover us with infamy.
and diligence, in being on their guard, and They will appear as the productions of faction,
in adding strength to strength for their secu- folly and temerity: not of patriotism, wisdom
rity. We are in the right wing of the Ameri- and valor. What a contrast! how humilia-
can line, and at a distance from the main ting the one-how glorious the other! Will
body-are we doing our duty? No ! we have not pride spur us on to add to the catalogue ?
in a manner laid up our arms—nay, even prizes Will you not strive to rival the vigor of the
are prepared for the horse-race! we can spare North? Do we admire the great names of
no laborers to the public, because we are em- antiquity? Do we wish for an opportunity to
ploying them to collect on all sides articles for be equally celebrated by posterity?—Than the
private emolument. We amuse ourselves with present, there never was a more inviting or
enquiries into the conduct of those who per- certain opportunity of acquiring an immortal
mitted the loss of Ticonderoga, nor do we name. A world to be converted into an
appear to have an idea that others will, in their empire, is the work now at hand—a work
turn, scrutinize our conduct at this juncture- whereon the names of the workmen will be
a crisis when we know that the enemy have engraved in indelible characters. Shall we not
collected their force, and are actually advanced exert ourselves to be ranked in this most illus-
against the main battle of America; where, if trious list? Nor is it so difficult a thing to
they shall find they can make no impression, acquire place in it, as may be imagined: it is
and we have not a flattering prospect, they in every man's power to exert himself with
will find their efforts abortive, it is but rea- vigor and constancy. My dear countrymen,
sonable to imagine they will recoil upon our trifle not with an opportunity unexampled, and
post. They will sail faster against, than aid not to be recalled-it is passing with rapidity.
can be marched to us. Their arrival will be Let us put our hands to our breasts, and exam-
sudden-shall they find us shamefully occupied ine what we have done in forwarding this im-
in the amusements and business of peace? perial structure. How many must say, I have
Why has the Almighty endowed us with a rec- | youth-strength-activity-an abundant for
ollection of events, but that we may be enabled | tune, learning-sense,
to prepare against dangers, by avoiding the
errors and follies, the negligence and supine-
ness, by which others have been ruined. If a
sense of our duty to our country, or of
safety to posterity, is too weak to rouse us into
action; if the noble passions of the mind have
not force to elevate us to glory-the meaner

or some of these blessings; but I have shewed my attachment to America only by a momentary vigor, to mark my inconstancy-scrutinizing the conduct of others -good wishes, and enquiring the news of the day. Such men must be sensible of a disgraceful inferiority, when they hear those American names, which the trumpet of

fame now sounds through the world; a blast, that will reach the ears of the latest posterity.

Surely such men may have a desire to be relieved from so oppressive a sensation: the remedy is within their own power; and if they will use it, while it throws off their disgrace, it will operate for the benefit of their country. Let them enquire of the president, what service they can render the state. To a rich planter, he would say, if you will send 20, 30, or 40 laborers to the public works, and for whom you shall be paid, you will do an essential service in a critical time. To another, if you will diligently overlook and push on the construction of such a battery, or line, you will merit the thanks of your fellow-citizens. To a third, if instead of hunting you will ride about your neighborhood, or a little beyond, and endeavor to instruct those who are ignorant of the importance of the public contest-reclaim the deluded, animate the timid-rouse the languid -and raise a spirit of emulation who shall exert himself most in the cause of freedom and America: you will deserve the applause of the continent. How many opportunities are there, for a man to distinguish himself; and to be beneficial to his country!

| thus publicly lament, that not the least attention is paid to two important resolutions of our congress in June, 1775. One, that all absentees holding estates in this country, except the sick, and those above sixty, and under twentyone years of age, ought forthwith to returnthe other, that no person holding property in this country ought to withdraw themselves from its service, without giving good and sufficient reasons for so doing. The gentle voice of legislative recommendation is not regardedmust the legislature, in order to be heard, raise its voice to the tone of forfeiture? Our country stands in need of the advice, the countenance, the personal support of all those who have property in it. Nor is it just or reasonable, that any should enjoy ease and safety by continuing at a distance, while the people here have put their all at hazard. If we fail, they continue secure in life and estate; if we succeed, they, without toil or danger, reap every benefit we shall procure. I know some of those, who are absent, contrary to the recommendation of their country, nor am I so ungenerous as to attribute their absence to a disgraceful policy. But, even they must be so ingenuous as to admit that those who do not know them, have room to cast this reproach upon them, and to be dissatisfied at their conduct.

It is necessary that I speak with boldness and plainness. In a time like this, that language should be as the thunder-not as the music of the spheres-and that I discourse to grand jurors of other things, besides their mere duties in a court of justice. Hence, upon other occasions have I reasoned upon the propriety of our revolution in March, 1776—upon the legal necessity of the American independence-and now, upon the situation of affairs. I do most earnestly recommend, that you urge these topics, when you blend yourselves again among your neighbors. In every station that I have had the honor to fill, I have counselled the most decisive measures; nor have I been sparing of my personal assistance in their execution! The public service requires an unwearied application, unabating vigor, and a readiness to make the greatest sacrifices. I firmly trust, that we shall act as men; and that posterity will have no just cause to re

Nor ought those who have labored much in the public defence, to sit down at ease, if they can perform other services. The enemy are repulsed in their attacks-they are at a stand -they seem stunned. Let us now collect our whole strength-one effort more and they must be crushed. We are warned to expect the enemy; and it is probable, the back country militia may be called to do duty in this town, during the ensuing winter. I wish to extend some aid to such of their families, as may be most distressed by their absence from home; and I do therefore declare, that I appropriate my last year's salary for that service. I am endeavoring to raise a spirit of emulation among my countrymen-the ungenerous will attribute this appropriation to other motives-I know the world too well to doubt it. But, let such follow their inclinations-I rely upon the integrity of my conduct. ought to endeavor to discharge my duty to the public; nor is it a consideration with me, that my conduct in the prosecution of my duty, may expose me to a reproach of vanity or in-proach our conduct. gratitude; a want of sympathy for those in distress or natural affection; I am always satisfied, when I know that I do not deserve such censures. I feel for those, who feel disagreeable effects from my conduct: but, among the many things I regret, I cannot but

I

THE PRESENTMENTS OF THE JURY.

At a court of GENERAL SESSIONS OF THE
PEACE, OYER AND TERMINER, ASSIZE AND

GENERAL GAOL DELIVERY, begun and hol-
den at Charleston, for the district of Charles-
ton, the 21st October, 1777, before the hon-
orable William Henry Drayton, esq., chief
justice, and his associates, justices of the
said court.

ADDRESS

TO THEIR EXCELLENCIES RICHARD VIS-
COUNT HOWE, ADMIRAL, AND WILLIAM
HOWE, ESQ., GENERAL, OF HIS BRITANNIC
MAJESTY'S FORCES IN AMERICA.

CHARLESTON, S. C., October 22, 1776.

MY LORD AND SIR-Your declaration at New York has reached this place. It has occasioned surprise and concern. The known honor and

Presentments of the grand jury for the said abilities of your excellencies, and your declara

district.

tion, appear perfect contrasts. The latter is an I. We the grand jurors of said district, think unnatural production. Hurt, as I am to see it our duty to present as a great grievance, your names so prostituted, I cannot restrain that most of the magistrates in the commis-myself from making a few remarks to your sion of the peace for Charleston refuse to act, excellencies upon a subject which, by endanby means whereof many criminals, particularly gering your reputation, distresses every genslaves, escape punishment, to the great encour-erous mind. I shall first state your declaraagement of crimes and offences: And we are tion. of opinion, that this remissness in the magistrate, is owing to the law disallowing any fees for the most salutary services to the public.

II. We present as a grievance, the number of voluntary absentees from this state now in Europe, men of large possessions, that they are not particularly ordered to return, and join their countrymen, in the present contest for liberty and independence.

BY RICHARD VISCOUNT HOWE, of the kingdom of Ireland, and WILLIAM HOWE, Esq. general of his majesty's forces in America, the king's COMMISSIONERS for restoring peace to his majesty's colonies and plantations in North America, etc. etc.

DECLARATION.

Although the congress, whom the mis

III. We present, by the information of Mr. Benjamin Edings, that the public road leading from Slann's island to Edisto island, has never been finished, (for want of commis-guided Americans suffer to direct the opposisioners) and is now in such bad order, that it is very difficult for the inhabitants to pass over, and which may be very detrimental in case of any invasion or other emergency, and hope that due attention may be had in remedying

this evil.

IV. We return our thanks to his honor the chief justice, for his excellent and patriotic charge delivered at the opening of this sessions, and beg the same, with our presentments, may be forthwith printed and published.

Edward Lightwood, foreman, [L. S.]
Philip Tidyman,
John Webb,

[L. S.] [L. S.] [L. S]

John Creighton,

tion to a re-establishment of the constitutional government of these provinces have disavowed every purpose of reconciliation not conclaim of independence, the king's commissionsonant with their extravagant and inadmissible ers think fit to declare that they are equally desirous to confer with his majesty's well the public tranquility, and establishing a peraffected subjects upon the means of restoring the British empire. The king being most gramanent union with every colony as a part of ciously pleased to direct a revision of such of his royal instructions to his governors as may be construed to lay an improper restraint on the freedom of legislation in any of his colonies, and to concur in the revisal of all acts by which his majesty's subjects there may think themselves aggrieved, it is recommended to the inhabitants at large, to reflect seriously upon their present condition and expectations, and judge for themselves, whether it be more consistent with their honor and happiness to offer up their lives as a sacrifice to the unjust and precarious cause in which they are engaged, or return to their allegiance, accept the blessings of peace, and to be secured in a free en

joyment of their liberties and properties upon | the nature of things place any confidence-a true principles of the constitution. government that you are sensible has been, "Given at New York, 19th September, 1776. now is, and ever must be jealous of our pros

"HOWE,
"W. HOWE.

"By command of their excellencies,

STRAGHEY."

perity and natural growth—a government that you know is absolutely abandoned to corruption! Take it not amiss, if I hint to your excellencies, that your very appearing in support of such a proposal, furnishes cause to doubt even of your integrity; and to reject your allurements, lest they decoy us into slavery.

The declaration says, "the king is most graciously pleased to direct a revision of such of his royal instructions to his governors," etc. "and to concur in the revisal of all acts by which his majesty's subjects may think themselves aggrieved." But what of all this. Your excellencies have not told the people, who think themselves aggrieved," that they are to be a party in the revision. You have not even told them who are to be revisors. If you had, it would be nothing to the purpose; for you have not, and cannot tell them and engage that even any of the instructions and acts, be

And now, not to detain your excellencies by making observations upon lord Howe's not assuming his military title, displaying the nature of his supreme hostile command in America, by which unusual and designed omission, the ignorant, seeing his name contrasted with that of a general clothed in all his terrors, may be entrapped to believe that his lordship is to be considered in a more amiable point of view, a mere commissioner only for restoring peace, without any military command to intimidate and coerce. Not to wound your delicacy, by admiring the wisdom of your appealing from the congress to people confessed by you to be directed by that honorable assembly: My remarks shall be confined to the more materialing revised, shall be revoked, and repealed; parts of your declaration, which I am sorry to say, are in every respect unworthy your good sense and high characters.

particularly those by which people "may think themselves aggrieved." But, if such are not to be repealed, why have you mentioned "think themselves aggrieved?" If they are intended to be repealed, why did not your excellencies come to the point at once and say so?—It is your excellencies are by your superiors precipitated into a dilemma. You have not been accustomed to dirty jobs, and plain dealing does not accord with your instructions; otherwise, in the latter case, I think you are men of too much sense and honor to have overlooked or suppressed so material a point of information. However, you say instructions and acts are to be revised: We see that you have laid an ambuscade for our liberties; the clause is carefully constructed without the least allusion to the revisors, or to the words redress, revoke, repeal. In short, it appears to be drawn up entirely on the plan of a declaration by king James the Second after his abdication, as confidentially explained by James' secretary of state, the earl of Melford to lord Dundee, in Scotland. For Melford writes to Dundee “that notwithstanding of what was promised in the declaration, indemnity and indulgence, yet he had couched things so that the king would break them when he pleased; nor would he think himself obliged to stand to them."

Your excellencies "think fit to declare," that you are desirous" of restoring the public tranquility." But is the end your excellencies aim at our honor and advantage? Is it to give a free scope to our natural growth? Is it to confirm to us our rights by the law of nature? No! It is to cover us with infamy. It is to chill the sap, and check the luxuriance of our imperial plant. It is to deprive us of our natural equality with the rest of mankind, by “establishing "every state "as a part of the British empire." In short your excellencies invite men of common sense to exchange an independent station for a servile and dangerous dependence! But, when we recollect that the king of Great Britain has, from the throne, declared his "firm and steadfast resolutions to withstand every attempt to weaken or impair the supreme authority of that legislature over all the dominions of his crown:" that his hirelings in parliament and tools in office, abhorred by the English nation, have echoed the sentiment; and that America, for ten years has experienced that king's total want of candor, humanity, and justice-it is, I confess, a matter of wonder, that your excellencies can submit to appear so lost to decency as to hold out sub-And your excellencies have "couched things jection as the only condition of peace: and that you could condescend to sully your personal honor, by inviting us to trust a government in which you are conscious we cannot in

so," that more words upon this subject are unnecessary.

"It is recommended to the inhabitants at large, to reflect seriously upon their present