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MASSACHUSETTS

REMINISCENCES

Relating to the Massacre of CITIZENS
OF BOSTON BY BRITISH TROOPS, March 5,

1770.

In a former communication we mentioned that one of the causes which led to the massacre of the 5th of March, was the affray between the inhabitants and the British soldiers, an account of which was related to me shortly after the event, by one who was an eye witness.

Each party was brave and intrepid, but the science in this kind of warfare, which the ropewalk men had obtained in their " Pope Day" battles gave them a decided superiority, and in their pursuit of the soldiers, halted on Forthill, and gave three cheers in token of victory.

The noise of the shouting and huzzaing resounded far around, and excited the curiosity of those at a distance. At that time Mr. Hallowell, (grandfather of the present Admiral Hallowell, in the British navy), owned and reAt that time there was only one house on sided in the house in Battery March-street, now the east side of what is now called Pearl occupied by Mr. Goodrich, near which he also street, in which then resided Charles Paxton, owned a ship yard, about where now stands esq. On the west side of the street, stood the Commercial Coffee House, in which he four or five rope-walks, extending from the usually employed about fifty or sixty men. upper to the lower end of the street, which There was a mast yard a little south and several were all burnt in 1794. On Saturday after- wood wharfs, on all which were also employed noon, on the 3d March, 1770, a British hardy laborers, who, together with the blacksoldier of the 29th regiment, accosted a negro smiths, blockmakers, and other athletic mewho was employed in one of the rope walks, chanics in the neighborhood, (whose brawny by inquiring "whether his master wanted to arms could wield a club with as much dexterity hire a man." (The soldiers who were mechan- as an Highlander could manage his broadics were sometimes hired as journeymen). sword), all ran towards the scene of combat. The negro answered that his "master wished The bravery of the soldiers was not doubted, to have the vault emptied, and that was a and accordingly, preparations were made to proper work for a Lobster." * This produced repel another attack which was expected, and a conflict between the soldier and the negro, in which they were not disappointed.—The and, before relief came to his assistance, the shouting of the soldiers, issuing from the barnegro was very severely beaten. Some rope- rack-yard, to the number of more than three walk men, (among whom was Mr. Gray, the hundred, headed by the sergeant-major, moving foreman of the walk), came up and parted over the hill towards Pearl street, soon gave the them. Mr. Gray, (who was a very respecta- alarm. The soldiers pulled down the fence in ble man), told the soldier that "as he had ob- High street, then called Cow lane), which tained satisfaction for the insult, he had better inclosed the field, where now stands Quincy go to his barracks." The soldier "damned place. The rope-walk men pulled down the him" and said that "for six-pence he would fence on the opposite side in Pearl street, when drub him as he had done the negro."-A both parties rushed on each other with equal contest then took place between them in intrepidity. But the Herculean strength of which the soldier received a much worse beat- virtuous labor, united with the activity and ing than the negro, and went off to his bar-science of the Yankees, soon obtained a triumph racks over Fort-hill, on Wheelwright's (now Foster's) wharf swearing revenge. In about half an hour the soldier returned with about seventy of his comrades, who came over the hill huzzaing, armed with pipe staves split into bludgeons, which they obtained at a cooper's shop, and made the attack with great fury.

* Lobsters is the usual term of contempt, expressed in those days by the citizens of Boston, towards the British soldiers, and the citizens of London, in a late riot, at the queen's funeral, made use of the same epithet.

over an idle, inactive, enervated, and intemperate, though brave soldiery.

The effect of this rencontre was seen in the countenances and conduct of the soldiers the next and following day, who looked vengeance on the inhabitants, especially those whom they suspected to be concerned in the affray on Saturday; and those of them, who were friendly to the citizens, advised them to remain at home on Monday evening, as revenge would

then be taken.

The soldiers asserted on Sunday morning, | the culprits brought to a trial, and acquitted, that one of their men had died of his wounds, but as the body was never shewn, it was supposed to be only a pretence to justify the horrid scene which ensued on the Monday evening following.

excepting two who were found guilty of manslaughter. The trial was one of the most important that had ever come before an American tribunal, especially as the public mind was wrought up to the highest tone of indignation. It established the character of the judiciary for purity and independence, which had been questioned by the tories. The law was triumphant, but the needless barbarity of the act never doubted.

The funeral of the unfortunate victims was

So much has been written on the subject of the massacre of the 5th of March, 1770, that it is unpleasant to repeat "ugly recollections" respecting that horrid scene, except when it is necessary to vindicate our town from slander-attended with great pomp and parade. Thouto establish its reputation for virtuous exertions in the hour of trial-patience under sufferingsand forbearance under severe provocation.

The threats of the soldiers, as mentioned in my last communication, were put in execution on Monday evening the 5th of March, 1770, by insulting and abusing many inhabitants in various parts of the town, which resulted in what was called the "horrid massacre,” by which | four persons were instantly killed, one died of his wounds a few days succeeding, and about seventeen in the total killed and wounded.

sands came from the country; and the whole number that followed them to the grave, was supposed to exceed ten thousand !

History does not (perhaps) record an instance, where the moral and patriotic character of a city was ever more conspicuous than Boston exhibited on this occasion.

It was supposed by many, that the above recited horrid event, did more to effect an alienation of the affections of the people of New England from the British government, than any other whatever.

When I bring to my recollection, Mr. Russel, that solemn and impressive scene, when the high sheriff was delivering the governor's mes

sands, I am irresistibly drawn to a contemplation of what must have been the wonder and astonishment of any one of that vast crowd of

Language cannot describe the horror and indignation which was excited through the town by this dreadful event. The bells rang a terrific peal, which roused the whole popula-sage from the balcony to the assembled thoution. More than five thousand citizens were collected in State street and its vicinity. The 29th regt. was marched into the same street. The 14th regt. was under arms at their bar-citizens, if an angel had descended from heaven racks. What a scene for contemplation! Lieut. governor Hutchinson, and the king's council, were assembled in the council chamber, even at the solemn hour of midnight! Many of the venerable citizens repaired to them and demanded the surrender of the criminals to justice. The high-sheriff appeared in the balcony of the state house, and ordered silence!!! An awful stillness ensued-when, with a loud voice, he declared, that he was authorized by his honor the lieutenant governor and his majesty's council, with the consent of col. Dalrymple, to say that capt. Preston, and the men who had committed the outrage, should be immediately delivered to the civil power, and requested the citizens to retire peaceably to their dwellings; which, after the soldiers had marched off, was complied with.

The next day a town meeting was called, and the lieut. governor and council assembled, the proceedings of which are very eloquently described by the venerable sage of Quincy in one of his letters to Mr. Tudor, lately published.

The result of this melancholy affair was, that all the troops were ordered out of town, and

and unfolded to him the events of futurity :That, in less than seven short years, we should throw off our allegiance to a beloved king, and our connection with our mother country, to which we then looked with solicitude and affection, and fondly called it our home! That to establish our independence, would produce an eight years' war, in which all Europe would be directly or indirectly engaged! That seven young men, among that populace, would array themselves against their native country, and, finally, become admirals and generals in the English service! That one of them, then only an apprentice to a Cornhill shop keeper, should become distinguished, not only as a British officer, but as a general and a count in the German empire! A philosopher of a new school, which for usefulness would be paramount to all others, and at his death, estabtablish a professorship in the university in our neighborhood.

That among them were two youths, a physician and a bookseller, who would become generals in the service of their native country; and one of them, by his heroic exertions in

the principles I profess, and in the exercise of my common right to judge with others, I conclude it was decent, wise, and honorable.

The certainty of being favored with your kindest partiality and candor, in a poor attempt to execute the part to which you have invited me, has overcome the objection of my inability to perform it in a proper manner, and I now beg the favor of your animating countenance.

defending a post, would call forth the astonish- | at this season of political dissension. From ment of the oldest veterans and lose his life in the attempt! That among them were forty young men, members of a military company, most of whom would become officers of artillery, and would distinguish themselves, (particularly on one occasion), where they would exhibit so much science and adroitness, as to command the admiration of their English and German foes. More wonderful yet-that among the principal officers of the 29th British regiment, then arrayed against the inhabitants, was one who would become an highly respected American citizen! would hold important offices under the American government, become a member of her illustrious senate, and, after a peace of thirty years, a strenuous advocate for declaration of war against his native country!

And, "tho' last not least" among the citizens was a young barrister whose brilliant talents would place him in the front ranks of patriotism, and cause him to become an ardent asserter of independence- an ambassador to England, France and Holland-the father of a navy, (destined to be the rival of the mistress of the sea), and finally the first magistrate of a great nation. In the council chamber, were many in the height of prosperity and honor, who, in a few years, fell from their elevated stations; and a governor, who, then basking in the sunshine of royal favor, was speedily consigned to infamy and ruin, and, it is said, died of a broken heart.

The horrid bloody scene we here commemorate, whatever were the causes which occurred to bring it on that dreadful night, must lead the pious and humane, of every order, to some suitable reflections. The pious will adore the conduct of that BEING who is unsearchable in all his ways, and without whose knowledge not a single sparrow falls, in permitting an immortal soul to be hurried by the flying ball, the messenger of death, in the twinkling of an eye, to meet the awful Judge of all its secret actions. The humane, from having often thought, with pleasing rapture, on the endearing scenes of social life, in all its amiable relations, will lament, with heart felt pangs, their sudden dissolution, by indiscretion, rage and vengeance.

But let us leave that shocking close of one continued course of rancor and dispute, from the first moment that the troops arrived in town: that course will now be represented by your own reflections to a much more solid, useful purpose, than by any artful language. I

Such are the wonderful vicissitudes to which hope, however, that heaven has yet in store the life of man is subjected.

BOSTON ORATIONS.* Delivered at the request of the inhabitants of the town of Boston, to commemorate the evening of the 5th of March, 1770, when a number of citizens were killed by a party of British troops quartered among them in time of peace.

such happiness for this afflicted town and province, as will in time wear out the memory of all your former troubles.

I sincerely rejoice with you in the happy event of your steady and united effort to prevent a second tragedy.

Our fathers left their native land, risqued all the dangers of the sea, and came to this then savage desert, with that true undaunted courage which is excited by a confidence in GOD. They came that they might here enjoy themselves, and leave to their posterity the best of

ORATION, DELIVERED AT BOSTON, APRIL 2, earthly portions, full English liberty: You

1771,

BY JAMES LOVELL, A.M.

Omnes homines natura Libertati student conditionem

Sed virtutis oderunt.

CAS.

showed upon the alarming cause for trial, that their brave spirit still exists in vigor, though their legacy of right is much impaired. The sympathy and active friendship of some neigh

-Nunc ea petit, quæ dare nullo modo possumus, nisi | boring towns, upon that sad occasion, comprius volumus nos bello victos confiteri. mands the highest gratitude of this.

CIC.

We have seen and felt the ill effects of pla

Your design in the appointment of this ceremony, my friends and fellow-townsmen, can-cing standing forces in the midst of populous not fail to be examined in quite different lights communities; but those are only what individ*See page 490 for the original introductory notice to the uals suffer. Your vote directs me to point out orations, inadvertently omitted here. the fatal tendency of placing such an order in 2

free cities-fatal indeed! Athens once was free; a citizen, a favorite of the people, by an artful story, gained a trifling guard of fifty men; ambition taught him ways to enlarge that number; he destroyed the commonwealth and made himself the tyrant of the Athenians. Cæsar, by the length of his command in Gaul, got the affections of his army, marched to Rome, overthrew the state, and made himself perpetual dictator. By the same instruments, many less republics have been made to fall a prey to the devouring jaws of tyrants.-But this is a subject which should never be disguised with figures; it chooses the plain style of dissertation.

The true strength and safety of every commonwealth or limited monarchy, is the bravery of its freeholders, its militia. By brave militias they rise to grandeur; and they come to ruin by a mercenary army. This is founded on historical facts, and the same causes will, in similar circumstances, forever produce the same effects. Justice Blackstone, in his inimitably clear commentaries, tells us, that "it is extremely dangerous in a land of liberty, to make a distinct order of the profession of arms; that such an order is an object of jealousy; and that the laws and constitution of England are strangers to it." One article of the bill of rights is, that the raising or keeping a standing army within the kingdom in a time of peace, unless it be with consent of parliament, is against law. The present army, therefore, though called the peace establishment is kept up by one act, and governed by another; both of which expire annually. This circumstance is valued as a sufficient check upon the army. A less body of troops than is now maintained has, on a time, destroyed a king, and fought under a parliament with great success and glory; but, upon a motion to disband them, they turned their masters out of doors, and fixed others in their stead. Such wild things are not again to happen, because the parliament have power to stop payment once a year: but arma tenenti quis neget? which may be easily interpreted, who will bind Sampson with his locks on ?" *

44

The bill which regulates the army, the same fine author I have mentioned, says, "is, in many respects hastily penned, and reduces the soldier to a state of slavery in the midst of a free nation. This is impolitic: for slaves envy the freedom of others, and take a malicious pleasure in contributing to destroy it."

By this scandalous bill a justice of peace is empowered to grant, without a previous oath,

* Trenchard.

from the military officer, a warrant to break open any (freeman's) house, upon pretence of searching for deserters.

I must not omit to mention one more bad tendency; 'tis this—a standing force leads to a total neglect of militias, or tends greatly to discourage them.

You see the danger of a standing army to the cause of freedom. If the British parliament consents from year to year to be exposed, it doubtless has good reasons. But when did our assembly pass an act to hazard all the property, the liberty and lives of their constituents? what check have we upon a British army? can we disband it? can we stop its pay?

Our own assemblies in America can raise an army; and our monarch, George the 3d, by our constitution, takes immediate command. This army can consent to leave their native provinces. Will the royal chief commander send them to find barracks at Brunswick or Lunenburg, at Hanover, or the commodious hall of Westminster? suppose the lastsuppose this army was informed, nay thought the parliament in actual rebellion, or only on the eve of one. against their king, or against those who paid and clothed themfor there it pinches:-we are rebels against parliament ;-we adore the king.

Where, in the case I have stated, would be the value of the boasted English constitution?

Who are a free people? not those who do not suffer actual oppression; but those who have a constitutional check upon the power to oppress.

We are slaves or freemen: if as we are called, the last, where is our check upon the following powers, France. Spain, the states of Holland, or the British parliaments? now if any one of these (and it is quite immaterial which) has right to make the two acts in question operate within this province, they have right to give us up to an unlimited army, under the sole direction of one Saracen commander.

Thus I have led your thoughts to that upon which I formed my conclusion, that the design of this ceremony was decent, wise and honorable. Make the bloody 5th of March the æra of the resurrection of your birthrights, which have been murdered by the very strength that nursed them in their infancy. I had an eye solely to parliamentary supremacy; and I hope you will think every other view beneath your notice, in our present most alarming situation.

Chatham, Camden, and others, Gods among men, and the Farmer, whom you have addressed as the friend of mankind; all these

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have owned that England has right to exercise | most fine gold, we will freely give a part. every power over us, but that of taking money Our fathers would have done the same. But out of our pockets, without our consent.* must we fall down and cry "let not a stranger Though it seems almost too bold therefore in rob and kill me, O my father! let me rather die us to say we doubt in every single instance by the hand of my brother, and let him ravish her legal rights over this province," yet we all my portion!"* must assert it. Those I have named are mighty characters, but they wanted one advantage Providence has given us. The beam is carried off from our eyes by the flowing blood of our fellow-citizens, and now we may be allowed to attempt to remove the mote from the eyes of our exalted patrons. The mote, we think, is nothing but our obligation to England first, and afterwards Great Britain, for constant kind protection of our lives and birthrights against foreign danger. We all acknowledge that protection.

Let us once more look into the early history of this province. We find that our English ancestors, disgusted in their native country at a legislation, which they saw was sacrificing all their rights, left its jurisdiction, and sought, like wandering birds of passage, some happier climate. Here at length they settled down. The king of England was said to be the royal § landlord of this territory; with him they entered into mutual, sacred compact, by which the price of tenure, and the rules of management, were fairly stated. It is in this compact that we find our only true legislative authority.

I might here enlarge upon the character of those first settlers, men of whom the world was little worthy; who, for a long course of years, assisted by no earthly power, defended their liberty, their religion, and their lives, against the greatest inland danger of the savage natives: but this falls not within my present purpose. They were secure by sea.

In our infancy, when not an over tempting jewel for the Bourbon crown, the very name of England saved us; afterwards her fleets and armies. We wish not to depreciate the worth of that protection. Of our gold, yea of our

* Taxation and representation are inseparable.-Chath.

Cambd.

From what in our constitution is representation not inseparable !—multa a CRASSO divinitus dicta efferebantur, cum sibi illum, consulem esse negaret cui senator ipse non esset.-Cic.

It is said that disunited from Britain "we should bleed at every vein." I cannot see the consequence. The states of Holland do not suffer thus. But grant it true, Seneca would prefer the lancets of France, Spain, or any other power, to the BOWSTRING, though applied by the fair hand of Britannia.

The declarative vote of the British parliament is the death-warrant of our birthrights, and wants only a Czarish king to put it into execution. Here then a door of salvation is open. Great Britain may raise her fleets and armies, but it is only our own king that can direct their fire down upon our heads. He is gracious, but not omniscient. He is ready to hear our APPEALS in their proper course : and knowing himself, though the most powerful prince on earth, yet, a subject under a divine constitution of LAW; that law he will ask and receive from the twelve judges of England. These will prove that the claim of the British parliament over us is not only ILLEGAL IN

ITSELF, BUT A DOWN-RIGHT USURPATION OF

HIS PREROGATIVE as king of America.

A brave nation is always generous. Let us appeal, therefore, at the same time, to the generosity of the PEOPLE of Great Britain, before the tribunalt of Europe, not to envy us the full enjoyment of the RIGHTS OF BRETHREN.

And now, my friends and fellow townsmen, having declared myself an American son of liberty of true charter principles: having shewn the critical and dangerous situation of our birthrights, and the true course for speedy redress: I shall take the freedom to recommend, with boldness, one previous step. Let us show we understand the true value of what we are claiming.

The patriotic Farmer tells us, "the cause of liberty is a cause of too much dignity to be sullied by turbulence and tumult.-Anger produces anger; and differences, that might be accommodated by kind and respectful behavior, may, by imprudence, be enlarged to an incu

+ I confine myself to this province, partly from igno-rable rage. In quarrels risen to a certain rance of other charters; but more from a desire even to vex some abler pen to pursue the idea of Check; which

an unchartered freeman may do, as well as any other in America.

height, the first cause of dissension is no longer remembered, the minds of the parties

*-ita vitam corpusque servato, ita fortunas, ita rem Hæc sunt enim fundamenta firmissima nostræ liber-familiarem, ita hæc posteriora libertati ducas, nec pro tatis, sui quemque juris et retinendi et dimittendi esse his libertatem, sed pro libertati hæc projicias, tanquam dominum.-Cic. pignora injuriæ.

I choose to bury a fruitful subject for any satirical genius of the family of PENN,

+I do not think the quo warranto against our first charter, was tried in a proper court.

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