had been so far put down, that she was enabled to treat on fair and equal terms.

The evil of emigration could never be greater than at that day. If they were to live in a perpetual storm there; if it were to remain at the discretion of every adventurer, of feeble and ostentatious talents, ungoverned by a particle of judgment or discretion, to dress up fictitious grievances for popular delusion, and let loose a savage and barbarous people upon the property and respect of the Irish nation, what gentleman, who had the means of living out of that country, would be induced to remain an eye-witness of the scenes of folly and madness, and horrors of every description, in which he had lived for some years past; and that he would rather give up every prospect which remained to him in that country, and begin a new course in his old age, than submit to the same misery and disgust for the remnant of his life.

When it was first known, that Great Britain was ready to receive her sister kingdom into the communion of her liberty, wealth, industry, and happiness, the offer was treated by some who called themselves friends of liberty and the Irish constitution, with a degree of intemperance, which resembled the fury of wild beasts alarmed at an attack upon their prey. The flame of discontent spread with rapidity; and appeals of the most virulent and inflammatory tendency were made by these friends of liberty to the deluded barbarians, who had been so recently consigned by them to indiscriminate extirpation. When the measure was proposed, the friends of liberty would not suffer it to be discussed; and when it was relinquished for a time, they endeavoured to force the premature discussion of it, in the hope of precluding a fair investigation of its merits. Persons of high rank had not scrupled to propagate sedition during the recess of parliament, and to canvas popular clamour against the measure, by the most shameless impositions on the ignorance and credulity of every man, who would listen to them. His lordship then animadverted on the assumption of a consular authority by two peers and a commoner, who issued "a letter missive" through the realm, promoting strong petitions against the Union. He made a very severe address to the young earl of Charlemont, and called upon him publicly to disavow all knowledge of the existence of such a fund, or, if he could not disavow it, to state explicitly any honest pose, to which it could be applied. He proposed to that grave assembly an entire and perfect union of the kingdom of Ireland with Great Britain, which, if he lived to see completed, to his latest hour he should feel an honourable pride in reflecting on the share he might have had in contributing to effect it.*

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• Notwithstanding this declaration, it is reported, that this noble lord felt so sensibly, after the Union, the loss of his own power and consequence, of

The earl of Charlemont denied that he had opposed the Union by bribery, but allowed that he had endeavoured to procure petitions to counteract those addresses, which were promoted by a. the influence of government. He thought it his duty to pursue all constitutional means for the defeat of a project, which appeared to him to be full of detriment and injury to Ireland, and of danger to the British empire.

The marquis of Downshire rose to repel the chancellor's accusation, and state his objections to the Union. He had heard of

an anti-union subscription; but he did not believe the informa. tion. If such a fund existed, he could honestly assert, that he had never subscribed to it, and had not even been desired to contribute to it.

He differed from the noble lord in many points. He considered the rebellion to have been principally occasioned by the inconsistent conduct of the government. At one time he had been requested, as a friend to that government, to sign a strong declaration in support of the Protestant ascendancy; but, if he could have foreseen the consequences, he would sooner have suffered an amputation of the hand that signed it, than have put his name to it; not but that he was a true and zealous Protestant, and a sincere friend to the established church of Ireland. A few months afterwards, he had been called upon by the same government to vote for the emancipation of the Catholics, to which, though he were not of an intolerant disposition, he could not accede. This contradictory policy must have had a tendency to irritate the public mind, and seemed to have led to those evils which now, in subserviency to the ministerial project, were ascribed to other

causes.

The noble marquis felt inexpressible uneasiness at being branded as a factious man, after he had sacrificed his youth, his health, and his fortune, in the support of the king and the government of Ireland. Was it just or candid to impute seditious views to one who had pursued an opposite course, and who had studiously cherished the soundest principles of loyalty. In putting his signature to the letter missive he had acted as an independent gentleman of Ireland, as a man of large possessions, acquainted with the state of the country, and deeply interested in its welfare. As it had been confidently asserted, that the Unionists had a greater extent of property than their opponents, it was incumbent on those who had a better knowledge of the opinion of the public to call for a

which he was inordinately fond, that it preyed upon his spirits, and contributed to hasten his dissolution; and he is said to have avowed in his last illness, that of all the political actions of his life he most repented of his exertions to bring about the Union. His ambition aspired to rule the British councils, as he had so long directed those of Ireland. There he failed.

constitutional declaration of sentiment, not from the dregs of the people, but from the more respectable part of the community, that the minister and his friends might be convinced of their

error.

Lord Glentworth declared his firm conviction that an union alone could quiet the country and secure the empire. In the present state of Ireland, there was no medium between close union and total separation. He mingled with his arguments severe strictures upon the triumvirate, and asserted the notoriety of the existence of the treasury mentioned by the chancellor.

Viscount Dillon was apprehensive that disloyalty would not be checked by the Union, and that it would not promote the security of the country. Lord Donoghmore reasoned chiefly on the subject of the Catholic claims, which, he thought, might be more safely and effectually adjusted after a consolidation of the legislatures. Viscount Powerscourt denied the competency of the parliament to adopt the measure. Viscount Carleton not only defended that point, but supported the particular provisions of the plan; and the archbishop of Cashel also argued in favour of the competency. The earl of Farnham objected to the inconvenient distance of the united parliament from Ireland, and dreaded the provincial subjection of that country to Britain. The earl of Glendore was an advocate for the Union, as were the chief justice Kilwarden, and lord Sunderlin; the earl of Bellamont strongly declaimed against it. The first resolution passed the house by a majority of 49, the numbers being 75 for and 26 against it.

On the 24th of February, it was resolved in the lords, that the house should be put into a committee again to take the said message into further consideration on Monday the 11th of March, and the lords to be summoned.*

The general principles of the Union having been amply discussed in both houses, it was moved, on the 14th of February, in the commons, that a general committee should proceed to the consideration of the particular terms of the Union, when colorel Vereker congratulated the house on what he termed the defeat of the ministry, in obtaining such a paltry majority at the last meeting, and hoped either that the project would be abandoned, or that ample time would be allowed for ascertaining the sense of the people on the subject.

William Down & Connor Rich. Waterford & Lismore Dunsany

Louth

Sunderlin

Blaney

Lismore

A warm debate ensued, in which the honourable George Knox observed, that though an Union might not be an innovation upon words or names, it would be an innovation upon the spirit and substance of the constitution. If the parliament should be removed to Madras, it might be said that the Irish would retain their former constitution; but he deemed it an essential part of the system, that there should be a free, constant, and immediate communication between the legislature and the nation for which it acted.

Many gentlemen spoke to the question, and most of them for delay. Mr. Goold entered at large into the whole subject. He said, that the records of the whole world did not exhibit a scene so singular as that of a minister desiring a parliament to extinguish itself on account of its crimes or its legislative impotency.

A motion for adjournment having been made, with a view to the production of additional documents requisite for the accurate comprehension of some of the detailed articles, 89 members voted for it, and 126 against it: it was then moved, that the debate should be adjourned to the 17th, which the secretary, though he negatived the motion by a majority of 47, assented should take place.

On the appointed day, the chancellor of the exchequer, Mr. Corry, retraced his old ground of argument, which he interspersed with much personal acrimony and abuse, directed particularly to Mr. Grattan, who vindicated himself in strong language, and retorted upon his opponent the insinuations of unconstitutional and treasonable conduct. Mr. Corry replied with redoubled severity; and Mr. Grattan rejoined with such increased power of censure, as threw the onus of resentment completely on Mr. Corry.*

The house saw the inevitable consequences. The speaker (the house was in committee) sent for Mr. Grattan into his chamber, and pressed his interposition for an amicable adjustment, which Mr. Grattan positively refused, saying, he saw, and had been some time aware of a set made at him, to pistol him off on that question; therefore it was as well the experiment were tried then as at any other time. Both parties had instantly left the house upon Mr. Grattan's finishing his philippic. Matters having been speedily adjusted by the seconds, they proceeded in hackney coaches to a field on the Ball's Bridge road, which they reached in the twilight. It was agreed they should level and fire at their own option. The first shot on both sides did no mischief; Mr. Grattan's passed through Mr. Corry's coat. On the second level there was much science and pistol play. Mr. Grattan, whose nerves were as firm as a rock, kept his man accurately covered, reserved his shot to make it the more secure, which Mr. Corry perceiving, called to his second, and it was settled upon the honour of the parties, that both should fire together. Mr. Corry missed his aim, and Mr. Grattan's ball hit his antagonist on the knuckle of his left hand, which he had extended across his breast to protect his right side, and taking a direction along his wrist, did no other injury.

The populace, notwithstanding the quickness and secrecy with which the business was conducted, followed the parties to the ground, and there was rea

General Hutchinson ridiculed the fears or the pretences of those members, who alleged, that the measure would subvert the independence of Ireland, and enslave her to a foreign parliament. To the control of that legislature, he said, the Irish were already subject in all questions of external legislation. The co-equality

of their parliament with that of Great Britain was the dream of fancy, which never could be realised; it would be better to be a component part of a free and flourishing empire, than to be a weak and petty state, convulsed with faction, or the deluded victim of treacherous allies and unfeeling despots.

Great Britain could not be false to Ireland, and at the same time true to herself. Her capacious wisdom had long since taught her, that the prosperity of each island was necessary to

the other.

The experience of two centuries tended to destroy the hope of the stability of the present constitution of the Hibernian parliament. Its failure was manifest; it had weakened the empire without strengthening Ireland. Formed for the infancy of a foreign and a small colony, it had sunk before the manhood of a great nation, and become private property instead of public right. The national tranquillity could not be secured by such a parliament, amidst the disorders and turmoils of Europe. If within every thing were hollow, if without every thing menacing, where was the remedy against internal distraction? Where the shield against foreign invasion? What was property without security? What liberty when life was in danger, and when the house of a country gentleman must either be his garrison or his tomb?

All the arguments which he had heard against the Union, were addresses to the pride, the passions, the prejudices of an irritable nation, more accustomed to act from the impulse of quick feelings, than from the dictates of sound discretion and sober reason. He admitted the necessity of endeavouring to preserve a sense of national dignity: it was the source of all pre-eminence, of all power, strength, and greatness. He wished that Ireland had something to nourish this noble passion; but for the last six centuries, she had exhibited the melancholy picture of savage acrimony and barbarous discord, of party zeal and sectarian struggle; of a fugitive government without fixed principles; a minis

son to fear, had Mr. Grattan fallen, that his antagonist would have been sacrificed on the spot to the resentment of the populace, so enthusiastically were they devoted to their favourite. The issue of this affair reached the House of Commons whilst they were still in debate at half past eight in the morning. Before Mr. Grattan went to the ground, a most affecting and truly Roman meeting took place between him and Mrs. Grattan. That gentleman was as eminent for the endearments of domestic felicity as he was conspicuous for his exertions in the cause of the people.