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work-mere compilations as regards the matter, but exhibiting Goldsmith's never-failing charm of style: this circumstance, toge ther with the absence of any very oppressive degree of crudition, has rendered them peculiarly well adapted for class-books in schools; a place they will retain till the more accurate and profound method of modern historical investigation shall have been communicated even to the elementary instruction of the young. Besides the "History of England,' Goldsmith successively published that of Rome,' of 'Greece,' and of Animated Nature,' the last being for the most part a condensation of Buffon.

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Our industrious writer (whose life was embittered, notwithstanding his great reputation, activity, and success, by perpetual debts and difficulties) died in 1774, having hastened, if not produced, his own deccase, by injudiciously and obstinately taking a powerful medicine; and left behind him a reputation as well deserved as it is universal. There are very few branches of literature which he had not cultivated, if not with unparalleled, at least with more than ordinary success. In all he was above mediocrity, in some he reached excellence, and in one work (the delightful Vicar') he has left us a masterpiece of originality and grace.

CHAPTER XV.

THE GREAT HISTORIANS.

David Hume As Historian-As Moralist and Metaphysician-Attacks on Revealed Religion-William Robertson-Defects of the "Classicist" Historians Edward Gibbon - The Decline and Fall - Prejudices against Christianity Guizot's judgment on Gibbon.

THE character of the English people is marked by singular inconsistencies: there is no nation which exhibits so much reluctance to pursue to their utmost consequences the deductions of any new system or chain of arguments. The English temperament is at once bold and timid; at the same time penetratingly far-seeing, yet almost slavishly devoted to prescription and authority. Nowhere is a new theory in legislation or in science more freely and candidly discussed; nowhere the true sifted from the false with a more industrious activity; nowhere does a new truth find a more enlightened and ready acceptance; but, at the same time, nowhere is there a greater dread of innovation, or a more determined adherence to the forms of particular systems or institutions.

Of these remarks the story of David Hume is a striking example.

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He was sprung from an ancient and noble Scottish family, and was born in 1711. The greater part of his life was passed abroad, chiefly in France. Hume was happy and tranquil in the possession of an income so small that hardly all his national prudence sufficed to make it a competence. What is still more to his honour, he supported, during the early part of his literary career, a degree of neglect and failure which the consciousness of his talents must have rendered exceedingly bitter-this severe trial he bore, if not without a deep and very pardonable discouragement, yet with great manliness and dignity. His first work, A Treatise on Human Nature,' published in 1737, was received with absolute neglect; and though recommended by an exquisite refinement of style, and by great novelty of views, and a bold acuteness of argument, it "fell stillborn from the press." Five years after this appeared his 'Essays, Moral and Philosophical,' which contain a great variety of refined and original speculations, often on subjects previously considered as "hedged in" and defended by an insurmountable barrier of sanctity and prescription. During this part of his life he appears to have had most difficulty and discouragement to struggle with; for he was for some time obliged to accept the most painful of human occupations, the charge of a madman. This was the young Marquis of Annandale, in attendance upon whom the future historian remained a year. Hume was soon afterwards appointed to the post of secretary to General St. Clair, whom he accompanied, first to Canada, and afterwards in his embassy to Vienna and Turn. In 1751 was republished, under the title of An Inquiry concerning the Principles of Morals,' much of the substance though now considerably altered and almost recast, of the not very popular or successful treatise which had appeared fourteen years before and about this time he gave to the world his 'Political Discourses.'. Having caused himself to be appointed librarian to the Faculty of Advocates in Edinburgh, an office which he fulfilled gratuitously for the opportunity of making use of the books under his care, he now entered upon a new path, a path in which he was to more than redeem the ill success of his former publications-that of History. In 1754 appeared the first volume of his History of Great Britain,' containing the reigns of James I. and Charles I. This new attempt was for a while not more popular than his previous ones, but, in proportion as the suc ceeding volumes appeared, the public admiration grew ever stronger and stronger, and Hume was soon placed, by the unanimous applause of his countrymen, at the head of all the English historians who had then written. This reputation he deserved for many rare qualities, for his philosophic views, and for his exquisite style: and though History has received in more recent times a very different form, a much wider spirit of inquiry and investigation, a far more comprehensive, minute, and accurate spirit, as well as a more picturesque and

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striking language, there can be no doubt that Hume's work is of great beauty and value. Its chief defects are want of accuracy in detail, and strong partialities affecting various important principles. A polished and fastidious scholar, a Scotsman of aristocratic birth and sympathies, Hume was tinged not only with those Jacobite tendencies which were so prevalent in the higher classes of his country, ut with an exaggerated dread of popular movements, and an indis. osition to acknowledge the undeniable advantage which our constitution has so often and so uniformly derived from revolutions. A monarchist in principle, he entertained a somewhat extreme opinion as to the paramount importance of stability in any system of polity, forgetting that in the case of the British constitution a gradual and steady progressive movement was inherent in its very essence—was its sap and life-blood; and that, so far from its stability being compromised by popular movements, or even by revolutions, these were its very conditions and vitality. The English character has more in common (at least in its political manifestations) with that of the Roman people than with that of any other great and civilised nation with which history has made us acquainted. The resemblance is overwhelmingly striking when we take into account the immense difference between the political constitutions of the two countries. Both, however, were eminently aristocratic, and in both the principle of stability is surprisingly prominent-a stability so far from being diminished by incessant interna. agitations, and even considerable organic changes, that these changes and agitations are its very exponents. Montesquieu has well remarked that movements which in other countries would infallibly involve a complete overthrow and possible reconstruction of the whole political machine, in England are considered, and justly so, as a proof of the vitality of the government. And the same thing is true of Rome, at least during its earlier and more glorious period. Both nations are eminently practical, logical, and calculating, and in both the attachment to old institutions goes only so far as to make the citizens distrust the prospective advantage of any proposed innovation: in other words, never to admit an innovation until forced on them by circumstances. Thus, the perpetual changes which were going on in the body politic were no more destructive to its individuality, nor injurious to its strength, than are the changes of the seasons to the growth of some majestic tree. Its leaves may be strewn by the gales of autumn, the vernal sap may rise within its vessels, incessant deposits of new matter and never-ceasing loss of old may continue, till not a particle of substance in the whole living structure may remain the same after the lapse of a few years, yet the tree is still the same, it is one, and no other and man and beast find shelter under its ever-waving boughs.

We have already given Hume credit for a philosophical spirit

This he undoubtedly possessed, but only to a certain degree. His mind had early accustomed itself to abstract investigations, and his long residence in France had contributed to develop in him a tendency to those barren and endless speculations which characterised the French literature of the period. Acuteness he undoubtedly possessed to a high degree, as well as a sincere love of truth: but his mind was cold and unsympathising; it wanted that profound humanity, that deep fellow-feeling with his kind, which is the only vivifying and fecundating principle. In his philosophy he had reached that point at which all is negative: he doubted of everything; he doubted even of the conclusions obtained by means of his own refined dialects; and if this species of Pyrrhonism could ever become generally prevalent, nothing would be left to man but the gratification of sense and the prosecution of mere temporary interests. But there is a point beyond this: indeed, a man who stops here halts on the very threshold of the great temple of wisdom. He who has never doubted (at least in matters of human reason) cannot be said properly to believe; and he who believes not can feel no perfect love. In his history Hume has taken too much upon trust from former compilers, and he has consequently fallen into a great many errors in points of fact, and been guilty of strange oversights and misrepresentations. Too indolent to consult, and too falsely refined to appreciate, the authentic sources of history in the writers contemporary with the events he describes, he has given us a work which is indeed a model of easy, fluent, agreeable narration, but a work which, if compared to many more modern productions of history (as for instance the admirable 'Conquête d'Angleterre par les Normands' of Augustin Thierry), will afford an incontrovertible proof of the immense advance made since his time in this branch of literature. His strong predilections in favour of the Stuart race have led him into innumerable errors and contradictions, and the whole of one most important episode in English history, the Civil War, the Republic, and the Protectorate, is full of inconsistency. This great and noble monument of Hume's genius appeared as follows:-the first volume in 1754, the second in 1757, the third and fourth in 1759, the fifth and sixth in 1762. From what we have said above, it may easily be inferred that Hume was unreasonably addicted to paradox and theorising on false or insufficient grounds. Moreover, his hostility to the doctrines and authority of the Christian religion led him to describe in one uniform tone of contemptuous indifference the labours and sufferings of many of those illustrious men who have sealed with their blood the charter of their country's liberty. Religion, so intimately interwoven with the whole tissue of private life in England, is a no less prominent element in all public and political events; and a historian, therefore; who should feel no sympathy with the religious convictions of some section or other (it little matters which) of the English people,

might indeed avoid party prejudice, but could never succeed, be his genius what it may, in giving a true picture of events. "He had early in life," says Mackintosh, "conceived an antipathy to the Calvinistic divines, and his temperament led him at all times to regard with disgust and derision that religious enthusiasm or bigotry with which the spirit of English freedom was, in his opinion, inseparably associated: his intellect was also, perhaps, too active and original to submit with sufficient patience to the preparatory toils. and long-suspended judgment of the historian, and led him to form premature conclusions and precipitate theories, which it then became the pride of his ingenuity to justify."

As a moralist and metaphysician Hume is less remarkable for any novel or original views in the investigation of fundamental principles than for the admirable clearness and elegance of his mode of reasoning, for the candour with which he admits objections, the acuteness—always tempered with courtesy and good taste- -with which he combats them, and above all for the courage which he exhibits in carrying to their ultimate results the arguments which he uses. His chief test for the moral value of an action or a motive is the principle of utility-a principle into which must be, after all, resolved all questions of right and wrong. It is one which has in all ages excited the greatest outcries against every philosopher who has ventured overtly to propound it; and yet it is obvious that all systems professing to assign different foundations for good and evil in human actions are nothing else, when closely examined and carried to their ultimate application, than fruitless attempts to mask under specious forms a doctrine which to an unenlightened mind appears selfish and incompatable with elevated emotion. In stripping off the bandages of error and prejudice which envelop, like some Egyptian mummy, the body of moral truth, ordinary investigators content themselves with stopping at a secondary point. They are afraid to look face to face upon what they think is a corrupted and loathsome corpse; but if we clearly understand the principle, and properly limit its application, we shall find not only that all other modes of accounting for what we so unreasonably consider the invariable sentiment of right and wrong are insufficient, but that this is the only conceivable and possible way of explaining the existence of that sentiment at all.

Hume is considered also as one of the most dangerous and insidious enemies by whom the Christian religion has ever been attacked. The point against which his batteries are chiefly levelled is the credibility of the history of those miraculous events on which the religion founds its claim to be considered as a revelation, i. e. a supernatural interposition. The ground he takes is broad and simple: the nucleus of his arguments is to be found in the two famous propositions, 1st, that it is contrary to human experience

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