SINCE

FRANCE, our laft, feems to have affumed a confidence which has increafed and is increafing. She seems to talk of the future deftination of empires and nations, as if the had the difpofal of them all at her will.

The Moniteur of the 31ft ult. contains, under the head of Hamburgh, fome fevere and perfonal reflections upon the Sublime Sultan. After detailing with minuteness, the well-known circumstances of what it calls the approaching diffolution of the Ottoman empire, this extraordinary paper concludes with afferting, that if the Sultan were a great Prince, and would appear at the head of his armies, the Pachas would be fubdued, the Ruffians repreffed, and the House of Auftria obliged to defend Transylvania, &c. &c. Thefe reflections were problematical,— and tended to increase more rapidly than before, the various reports that France was to be a principal in the meditated defign of feizing and partitioning of the Turkish empire, till the Moniteur of Auguft the 11th, equally as dark and oraculous as the first, published another official declaration as follows:

"All that the papers publish upon the pretended prefent ftate of the Turkish empire is extremely exaggerated. The plans that are imputed to the great continental powers, of wishing to divide its ftates, are inventions. The fury of conqueft does not animate the Emperor Alexander: and it is not at the moment in which, without being impelled by any power and of his own accord, the First Conful is about to evacuate Holland and the Genoefe ftate, as he has already eva. cuated the ftates of the Pope and the King of Naples; it is not at a moment in which he fhews fo much difinterested. nefs and fo little ambition, that he will Occupy himself with projects of invafion and of conqueft."

"So far from this, all the relations with the Sublime Porte have been renewed, and it is not neceffary to be a great politician, to fee the intereft that Fiance has in the re-establishment of the Ottoman empire in all its force and all its fower.

Vol. III. Churchm. Mag. Aug. 1802.

Strange as it may appear, the conclufion of a commercial treaty between this country and France, feems to meet with the ftrongest oppofition from the French merchants: a late Moniteur, in answer to their complaints on this head, retorts upon them their want of difcernment, and asks,

"How is it that they do not fee that the restoration of our manufactures ought to be, and is the conftant object of the cares and thoughts of government, and that it never can remove out of its fight that the grandeur of the French name will be truly the refult of a good colonial fyftem, and of the profperity of our manufactures? manufacturers then be without any uneafinefs. If the nation be great and powerful, if the army be brave and difciplined, the chief advantage which the government draws from it is to infure them, both in the interior and exterior, fale, fecurity and profperity.".

Let the

And it is not lets remarkable, that to fome reiterated infinuations of this nature, the Paris papers of the 16th contain a letter from the Minifter of the Interior to the merchants of Rouen, telling them and the public that no treaty of commerce will be concluded, but after mature deliberation, and after confulting with all the leading commercial interefts.

With respect to our own fituation, as it relates to Turkey, and a reprefentation made to governinent by the Turkish merchants, Lord Hawkesbury informed the deputation, that his Majefty's minifters had no reason to fuppofe that at tempts would be made from any quarter to violate the integrity of the Turkish empire. With regard to the conceffion which the Port is reported to have made to France, of the free navigation of the Black Sea, his lordship oblerved, that government had no knowledge of any agreement to that effect having taken place; but if the Turkish government fhould think it proper to make an ar rangement of this nature with the French Republic, the deputation might ret al fured that no privilege would be granted

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to the French trader, which would not be equally enjoyed by the fubjects of his Britannic Majefty.

Holland and Switzerland have both been evacuated by the French troops, and the docility with which thefe infant republics have lately adopted the mea fures of the fountain of power at Paris, together with the profpect of new alliances, have probably been the motive of the late extraordinary encomiums pronounced by the French government upon its own ftability.

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CONSULSHIP FOR LIFE.

It will be feen, that Bonaparte has now, with very confiderable folemnity, been invefted with the confulship of France for life. Scarcely any political arrangement there ever paffed without fome of thofe purpofed coincidencies, which bring fhew and momentary eclat to the affiftance of the main defign, in a manner refembling what is called flage effect, and, therefore, fuitable to the genius of a people, who are truly the most theatrical in the world. We thus find, that the Prefident of the Confervatory Senate, chofen to read the decree of in.. auguration, was Barthelemy, once a member of the Directory, who by this act may now be held legally to have renounced the power of which he was certainly not legally deprived, andthe Senate received at the Palace of Government, exactly at the moment, when the whole of the Diplomatic Corps were affembled to present an unusually numerous company of vifitors from their different na

tions.

The audience of the Diplomatic Body took place at Paris on the 3d of Auguft, and to the decreet of inauguration read by Barthelemy, the Firft Conful anfwered in thefe terms;

"Senators,

"The life of a citizen belongs to his country. The French people with that the whole of mine fhould be confecrated to them. I obey their will.-

"In giving me a new pledge, a permanent pledge of their confidence, they impofe upon me the duty of fupporting the fyftem of their laws by profpective inftitutions.

"By my efforts, by your affiance, Citizens Senators, by the concurrence of all the authorities, by the confidence

and the will of this immenfe people, liberty, equality, and the profperity of France will be placed above the caprices of fortune, and the uncertainty of the future. The beft of people will be the happieft, as they are the moft worthy of being fo, and their felicity will contritribute to that of all Europe.

"Content, then, with having been called by the order of him, from whom all power emanates, to bring back upon earth juftice, order, and equality, I fhall hear my last hour found without regret and without unealinefs for the opinion of future generations.

"Senators, receive my thanks for a conduct thus folemn. The Senate has defired what the French people have wished, and by this is more closely connected with all that remains to be done for the welfare of the country.

"It is very welcome to me to find the certainty of that in the difcourfe of fo diftinguished a Prefident."

The Members of the Senate then retired, and the Diplomatic Audience con. tinued.

The birth-day of Bonaparte, Aug, 15, was chofen for the proclamation of his inveftiture throughout the republic, and the Minister of the Interior announced the concurrence of another circumstance to be then commemorated--the anniverfary of the fignature of the Concordat. Since the art of coincidencies appear to be fo well ftudied, we may henceforward always expect fome confiderable event on the birth-day of the First Conful.

By a letter from St. Petersburgh, dated July 20, we are informed that, "a treaty of commerce between Ruffia and France, equally advantageous to both nations, is concluded; it has for its foundation the convention of neutrality formed be tween the northern nations during the late war." This information comes in fhape tolerably authentic, and, fhould it be true, the meature muft deeply affect the interefts of this country. It will be difagreeable indeed if, at the moment when France and Ruffia are profeffing a pacific difpofition towards this country, they thould enter into a compact to fupport thofe principles of neutrality, as they are called, which produced the battle of Copenhagen. Bonaparte, it should feem, has completely won over the Em

peror

peror Alexander, and therefore he has undertaken to anfwer for him with reSpect to Turkey.

ON ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS, FROM A FRENCH PAPER.

Of all the acts pretervative of the public fortune, which have fignalized the confular government, fince its eftablishment, none have been more glorious for it than that, which re-uniting the fcattered branches of the Chriftian religion, has fuddenly railed the altar of the gofpel, dethroned by ten years of barbarities.

This eternal moral of nations regains its ancient country, returning into its hofom, like a long absent mother amongst her children to receive her.

The Chriftians of Rome and those of Augsburgh are become again brothers, at the voice of the Chief of France, and the fectaries embrace under the ftandard of patriotifm. Religious and political fanaticifm, by turns, executioners and victims, have difappeared for ever, with the confpiracies and facrileges of revolutionary times.

The law, which protects, and the gofpel, that confoles, have joined hands for the happiness of France. The peace of nations, which deftroys war; the peace of confciences, which deftroys hatred, are,the works of the fame man.

Pain

ful remembrances lofe themfelves in the bofom of religion, as a corrupted water lofes itself in the courfe of a limpid fpring.

True philofophy has found its natural auxiliary, and atheifm, driven from the temple, yet has repentance for it. Falfe -philofophy has no longer an empire, and the fyftem of abftractions has fled before truth.

"If I had a province to punish," said the great Frederic, "I would let it be governed by philofophers."-The philofophers of whom this great man speaks, will no longer punith France, because The alfo has a great man, who is charged with her deftinies.-(Moniteur.)

A SUPPLEMENT TO THE FRENCH CONSTITUTION.

THIS document, which by feveral of the daily papers has been mifcalled, a -new Conflitution, appears in the Moni. teur of the 5th inft. being there brought forward in the fhape of a Senatus Confultum, which furrenders the whole power

of the ftate, in all its various branches, to the will of the Firft Conful! The government of the Chic Conful, which before was purely military, is now made deipotic by the Civil Confitution; he bas the power of augmenting the number of his Senators to create a majority, as fuits his convenience, and he can Sil up the vacancies to the fecond and third confulihip; for it will be feen that he prefents them to the Senate, who can only chule upon his nomination, and if they twice refule, the third time they muft chute the perion whom he prefents. The Senate can fufpend the trial by jury, and fix the time when perfons can be carried before the tribunals; and it can declare any place or out it out of the protection of the conftitution. In short, national reprefentation is a mere chimera; and as to taxation, it is left at the complete difcretion of the Chief Magif trate.

The First Conful may alfo name his fucceffor whenever he fees the fit opportunity to do fo, either during his own life, or by will. If the nomination is during his own life time, and he should choole afterwards to refufe him his protection, he may withdraw his recommendation, and appoint another person. If the appointment is by will, and the perfon whom he recommends is not approved, the Second and Third Confuls are to nominate candidates: the appointment must be completed in twenty-four hours after the Firtt Conful's death.

A VIOLENT PHILIPPIC, AGAINST THE

BRITISH GOVERNMENT.

AS the following paper may probably become the fubject of future animadver. fion, we have given it at length from the Moniteur of the 8th inftant. It is a formal complaint of the freedom which the English prefs exercifes in commenting on the proceedings of the French government, though only two papers are mentioned; of the protection given to the emigrants, &c. It threatens repri fals, and exhibits more of a spirit of hoftility towards this country than has appeared in Bonaparte's Official Gazette fince the peace. This article, which will be read with much intereft, is in the fol lowing terms:

"The Times, which is faid to be under minifterial infpection, is constantly filled with long invectives against France.-P 3

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Two of its four dull pages are daily empioyed in giving credit to ftupid calumnles. Every bafe, vile and wicked act that the imagination can fuggeft, this wretched paper attributes to the French government. What is the object of all this ?- -Who pays for it ?- -Against whom is it directed?

"A French journal, conducted by miferable em grants, the most impure dregs, the vile refufe of that clafs, without a country, without honour, and ftained with crimes of every kind, which no amnesty can wash away, goes ftill farther than The Times.

Eleven bishops, prefided by the atrocious Bishop of Arras, rebels to their country and the church, are assembled in London. They print libels against the bishops of the French clergy; they infult the government and the Pope, because they have established evangelical peace among forty millions of Chrif

tians.

"The iflnd of Jerfey is full of banditti condemned to death by our tribunals, for crimes committed fince the conclution of peace, for affaffinations, rapes, burning of houses, &c.

"The treaty of Amiens ftipulates, that perfons accufed of crimes, of mur. ders, fhall be refpectively given up. The affaffins at Jerfey are on the contrary received. They put to fea unexpectedly on board of fishing-boats, land on our coafts, affaffinate the most wealthy proprietors, and burn down the corn mills and granaries.

"Georges wears openly in London his red ribbon, as a recompence for the infernal machine, which deftroyed one quarter of Paris, and killed thirty women, children, and peaceable citizens. Does not this fpecial protection afford good reafon to fuppofe, that if he had fucceeded, he would have obtained the Order of the Garter.

"Let us make a few reflections on this ftrange conduct of our neighbours. "When two great nations conclude a peace, is it for the purpose of reciprocally fomenting troubles?-For hiring and paying crimes ?-or for giving money and protection to all men who wish to trouble the state? Does the liberty of the prefs in a country extend to the power of laying, of a friendly and newly-reconciled nation, things which ought not

to be faid even of another government, when engaged with it in a war for exiftence ?

"Is not one nation refponfible to the another for all the acts, and all the conduct of its citizens? Do not the Bills of Parliament prohibit infults to allied governments, and even to their Ambas fadors.

"It is faid that Richelieu, under Louis XIII. aided the English revolution, and contributed to precipitate Charles I. to the scaffold. M. de Choifeul, and afterwards the minifter of Louis XVI. doubtlefs excited infurrections in America. The old English ministry knew well how to avenge this conduct. They promoted the maffacres of September, and influenced in more than one manner the movements which made Louis XVI. perih on the scaffold; which burnt and deftroyed our finest manufacturing towns, Lyons, &c.

"Is it wished, then, ftill to prolong this feries of movements and influence, which has proved fo difaftrous to both countries during fo many ages? Would it not be more reasonable, and more conformable to the leffons of experience, to exercile a reciprocal influence in ufeful commercial relations, in a respective vigilance for the protection of trade, in preventing forgeries, and in refusing a refuge to criminals.

"Befides what refult can the English government expect from fomenting troubles in the church, from collecting and revomiting on our coaft the brigands of the Cotes-du-Nord, and the Morbihan, covered with the blood of the principal and richest proprietors of those depart

ments.

"What would be the effect of an exchange of thefe injuries; of this influence, of infurrectional committees? of this' protection and encouragement given to different affaifins ? What would the civilization, the commerce, and the wellbeing of both nations gain by fuch proceedings?

"Either the English government authorifes and tolerates thefe crimes, both public and private-in that cafe they may be told, that fuch conduct is not worthy of British honour, British generofity, or British civilization;-or they cannot prevent them, in which cafe they may be told, that there is no longer auy.

govern