government should keep up a large army to the prevention of that process of recruiting themselves, and consolidating their institutions, which during protracted wars had gone out of repair. He then proceeds in the following strain,

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"Revolutionary France is more likely to distress the world than France, however strong in her frontier, under a regular Government; and that is the situation in which he ought to endeavour to place her.-With this view I prefer the temporary occupation of some of the strong places, and to maintain for a time a strong force in France, both at the expense of the French Government, and under strict regulation, to the permanent cession of even all the place which in my opinion ought to be occupied for a time. These measures will not only give us, during the period of occupation, all the military security which could be expected from the permanent cession, but, if carried into execution in the spirit in which they are conceived, they are in themselves the bond of peace.-There is no doubt that the troops of the Allies stationed in France will give strength and security to the Government of the King, and that their presence will give the King leisure to form his army in such manner as he may think proper. The expectation also of the arrival of the period at which the several points occupied should be evacuated would tend to the preservation of peace, while the engagement to restore them to the King, or his legitimate heirs or successors, would have the effect of giving additional stability to his throne.-In answer to the objections to a temporary occupation, continued in drawn from the state of things in -, I observe that the temporary occupation by the troops of the Allies of part of France will be with views entirely different from those which dictated the temporary occupation of by the French troops; and if the measure is carried into execution on the principle of supporting the King's Government and of peace, instead of, with views of immediate plunder and ultimate war, the same results cannot be expected.-I am likewise aware of the objection to this measure, that it will not alone eventually apply a remedy to the state of weakness, in relation to France, in which the powers of Europe have been left by the treaty of Paris; but it will completely for a term of years. This term of years, besides the advantage of introducing into France a system and habits of peace, after twenty-five years of war, will enable the powers of Europe to restore their finances; it will give them time and means to reconstruct the great artificial bulwarks of their several countries, to settle their Governments, and to consolidate their means of defence. France, it is true, will still be powerful, probably more powerful than she ought to be in relation to her neighbours; but, if the Allies do not waste their time and their means, the state of security of each and of the whole, in relation to France, will, at the end of the period, be materially improved, and will probably leave but little to desire.-Upon the whole, then, I entirely concur with you in thinking a temporary occupation the most desirable. Believe me, &c. WELLINGTON."

as in

We have only two observations to add: first, the more one reads of these Dispatches, the conviction grows the stronger, that while nothing in war or diplomacy seems too vast or complicated for the Duke of Wellington's conceptions, and clear and succinct illustra

tion, so nothing appears too minute so as to escape the grasp of his mind and secondly, that should neither marble nor bronze ever worthily transmit his name to future ages, these volumes will in all time coming supply the desideratum; for there is impressed upon their pages the most full and faithful stamp of the hero.

ART. XIII.-A Voice from America to England. By an American Gentleman. London: Colburn. 1839.

HAD the "American Gentleman" put his name to this volume we should have been better satisfied, than by his leaving us in our present uncertainty upon this head. He appears, however, to be familiar with the country and society to which he professes to belong. At the same time it must be admitted that he discourses in a serious tone about a number of matters that possess at this moment a deep interest in the eyes of Englishmen; and which also, we believe, present and will continue hereafter still more plainly to offer subjects for important speculation in the United States. The nature of these subjects, and the course of the argument pursued concerning them, will be perceived from the passage we now cite. "American society," says the Voice, " has manifested two leading and opposite tendencies: one towards the lowest level of democracy, and the other towards a spiritual supremacy. The former is pretty well understood; the latter will find its portrait in these pages. Both, indeed, are made subjects of consideration. They are two extremes that beget each other. As if nothing good could come to man without its evil, and no sweet without a bitter; as if every dawn of a brighter day must have its malignant star; and as the fairest sun must have its spots, so the rapid advancement of society in general improvement must be visited by the demon of Radicalism, to mar the picture, and charge the onward movement with a portentous and dangerous power. This spirit of evil broods alike over America and over Europe, over all empires and republics, saps the thrones of the former and the constitutions of the latter, and threatens the world with infinite mischief. And as if the history of Christianity were not sufficiently fraught with the abuses of religious power, the great pains that have been taken in America to separate religion from the state, seem only to have opened a new-field, and presented temptation for the setting up of a new spiritual dynasty, so much more influential, as it is more independent, than a church allied to the state."

Such is the starting ground of the "Gentleman;" such the points he proposes and professes to explain, illustrate, and prove. One, however, is half tempted to surmise that to impugn democracy, to ridicule radicalism, and to pay homage to the union of church and state in opposition to the voluntary system, is the latent design of the author, rather than an anxiously single-minded attempt to

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describe the features of American society, and the tendencies of the institutions and manners most popular in that country. Still, although we may suspect him of being swayed by Conservative prejudices, and although he does not appear to us to make out the doctrines aimed at, particularly as regards voluntaryism in America, nor to consider fairly how anomalous a church establishment would have been where all else was democratic, yet there are striking and novel views advanced by the author, as well as pictures ingeniously laboured, which are calculated to invite discussion. We here present a specimen :

"It cannot but be remarked, that America presents one of the fairest and most hopeful fields that was ever opened on the world, for carrying Christian civilisation to the highest point of perfection, to a very millennium of the human state, if the active religious elements existing there were properly taken in hand, rightly directed, and discreetly employed; if the government of the country were consistent with its own professions, and would consent to become, in Scripture phrase, the nursing parent of the church.' We observe further, that this American system of voluntaryism has called into existence and action an anomalous spiritual power, more formidable to the state than any alliance of church and state that has ever been devised. In bearing off from the rock of Scylla, the American ship of state is fast being drawn into the whirlpool of Charybdis. Better, far better, for the state to have maintained an alliance of any form with religion -even after the obnoxious model-in order to secure a proper control over it, than to have made such a power independent of itself, and to have sent it adrift to its own devices, with a field open before it for the setting up of a rival empire. The political power of religion, as we have shewn in another place, cannot be suppressed, nor in any way prevented. It has always had political influence, both in Christian and pagan lands, and always will. The nature of man, and the elementary composition of society, must first be changed, before it can be otherwise. Religion is the most potent element of the social fabric. The theoretical mistake of American constitutional legislation, in regard to religion, was, in assuming, that it is possible so to divorce religion from the state as to disarm it of political power. It is not surprising, therefore, that such a wide mistake in theory, as it applied to the construction of American society, should have become momentously practical in its results. Having cut off religion from all authoritative con. nexion with the state, assigning for the act a reason which covered religion with disgrace, because it was an implied impeachment of its character at the bar of the public, and having resolved to leave religion to its own resources and powers, with a gracious promise of protection in all its forms of action, corporate and otherwise, provided it should not disturb the pub. lic peace, nor trespass on other recognised rights, it was a natural consequence, that religion should devote itself to the task of devising and setting up a polity of its own."

Religion, or the public in regard to it, being left alone, has allowed its leaders to form, adopt, and execute their own policy; thus establishing a sort of imperium in imperio, to whose accruing

power and pretensions it is impossible to name a limit. Religion being a thing that may be brought closely home to every man; the American mind being particularly fond of excitement; the people being also active and enterprizing; and being naturally gratified with the possession and command of a sphere, where they find themselves noticed as well as powerful are things which, our author maintains, already develope themselves in a variety of forms: in such a shape, indeed, he argues, as to demonstrate that though the state will have nothing to do with religion, yet that it is not so easy to carry out the decree that religion will have nothing to do with the state. The theatre which religion and professedly benevolent institutions afford to the citizens of the Union upon which to think, speak and act withont controul, while denied as a body a participation in affairs of civil government, has, he says, given rise to associations, subscriptions and conversions, that not only threaten to swamp that government or to tyrannize over it, but to conquer the world.

The nature of the conquest which he contemplates is that of a spiritual and mental subjugation; an intellectual and moral system of machinery being erected throughout the country, that works potently, combinedly, and according to the nicest and most extended ramifications. There are national and subsidiary associations; with their presidents, secretaries, and boards of management. The printing and circulating of the Bible is one department; home missions occupy another; particular forms of religious literature,— temperance societies,-abolitionism, &c., &c., have each and all their enlarging spheres. "As to the right or wrong of these institutions," the "American Gentleman" continues, "or as to whether they are good or bad, is not, in this place, a subject of inquiry; but simply the fact of their social importance, and their power. And we say, that in America it is great; nay, we think it has obtained to a supremacy of influence over the state. American society, as we have observed in a former chapter, is a dynasty of opinions; and the state must yield to it. And it happens, that these voluntary associations are so numerous, so great, so active and influential, that, as a whole, they now constitute the great school of public education, in the formation of those practical opinions, religions, social and political, which lead the public mind, and govern the country; at least, exercise an influence over the state, which cannot be resisted." This is what we understand the author to mean by a "spiritual supremacy," which, he says, is one of the two tendencies so remarkably manifested in American society.

It will be felt, we think, that the author does not demonstrate the doctrines he is ambitious to establish, in any of the extracts given by us; nor have we found in the work that he is careful to dispose of the several answers or objections which an opponent would be every now and then ready to start. Why, for example,

if the moral and intellectual education be as represented by him so general in America, even allowing the discipline to be carried on under the agency of a very complicated and influential machinery distinct from the state, should it not possess great influence? why should not concurrent opinion be supreme ?-for it must be concurrent, and a common sentiment cherished by a majority, on any one case, before it amounts to a dynasty. An opposite doctrine would surely lead to greater injuries than any likey to arise from a free expression of opinion, provided this expression meditates nothing like a resort to physical violence, which can never be necessary in a country where the thing complained of, viz. opinion, is omnipotent.

Passing from this point, and that we may conclude our hasty notice of the "American Gentleman's" account of the state of religion, in a constitutional view, as it obtains in the country of which he writes, we quote a copy, as transcribed by him, of the Connecticut "Blue Laws."

"1. The governor and magistrates, convened in general assembly, are the supreme power, under God, of this independent dominion. 2. From the determination of the assembly no appeal shall be made. 3. The governor is amenable to the voice of the people. 4. The governor shall only have a single voice in determining any question, except a casting vote, when the assembly may be equally divided. 5. The assembly of the people shall not be dismissed by the governor, but shall dismiss itself. 6. Conspiracy against the dominion shall be punished with death. 7. Whoever says, There is a power holding jurisdiction over and above this dominion,' shall be punished with death and loss of property. 8. Whoever attempts to change or overturn this dominion shall suffer death. 9. The judges shall determine controversies without jury. 10. No one shall be a freeman, or give a vote, unless he be converted, or a member in full communion of one of the churches allowed in this dominion. 11. No one shall hold any office, who is not sound in the faith, and faithful to this dominion; and whoever gives a vote to such a person shall pay a fine of one pound. For the second offence, shall be disfranchised. 12. No Quaker, or dissenter, from the established worship of this dominion, shall be allowed to give a vote for the election of magistrates, or any officer. 13. No food and lodging shall be allowed a Quaker, Adamite, or other heretic. 14. If any person turns Quaker, he shall be banished, and not suffered to return, on pain of death. 15. No priest shall abide in this dominion. He shall be banished, and suffer death on his return. Priests may be seized by any one without warrant. 16. No one shall cross a river, but with an authorised ferryman. 17. No one shall run on a Sabbath day, or walk in his garden, or elsewhere, except reverently to and from church. 18. No one shall travel, cook, victual, make beds, sweep houses, cut hair, or shave, on the Sabbath day. 19. No husband shall kiss his wife, and no mother kiss her child, on the Sabbath day. 20. A person accused of trespass in the night, shall be judged guilty, unless he clear himself by an oath. 21. When it appears that an accomplice has confederates, and he refuses to discover them, he may be racked. 22. No one shall buy or sell lands, without the permission of the select man. 23. A drunkard shall have a master appointed by the select man, who is to