ART. VIII-A History of the United States, from the Discovery of the American Continent to the present Time. By GEORGE BANCROFT. Vols I. and II. Boston.

THESE two volumes of a work which, it is intended will reach at least to as many more, have not appeared simultaneously, the first having been published some six years ago, and the second but lately. It is a production, however, that can never be unseasonably read and studied; one that is sure to take rank with the standard histories of any country. In point of literature it has no ordinary claims to favour; but still more in regard to its containing a code of philosophy, that must teach by example, it presents a still finer and more arresting contribution.

Mr. Bancroft, who is an American himself, possesses the best qualities of a historian. His diligent research, his earnest yet tolerant spirit, and the sustained accuracy and dignity of his style, have been nobly brought to bear upon one of the grandest subjects that ever engaged the study of the philosopher, the legislator, or the historian. There is, we believe, a general yet mistaken estimate made of the beginning, progress, and consummation of independence in the United States of America. It is very usual to refer the whole to the era of the Revolution, a wonderful convulsion and triumph no doubt, which it would be vain for us to attempt to appreciate fully in all its details and results. But that mighty achievement, that unmatched event, by no means includes the whole beautiful and impressive history of American independence; and if there be one fact more forcibly demonstrated than another in the course of the two first volumes of Mr. Bancroft's work, it is that self-government was the unfailing object of desire on the part of the great majority of those who from the first left Europe for the territory which now constitutes the United States. Independence was what they yearningly longed for; a spirit of nationality was what they constantly cherished and invigorated; and so abundant and striking are the proofs of all this now brought to light by our author, and so delightfully does he sympathize with them, that, we almost fear, nothing which remains for him to narrate and to dwell upon, in the succeeding volumes, will either be so instructive or picturesque.

We now go on to solicit attention to some of the contents of what is before us, the volumes bringing down the history to the close of the 17th century, but entirely passing over the narrative of the early voyages of discovery, the enticements which led chivalrous adventurers to cross the Atlantic, till we come to the colonization of Virginia; then slightly noticing the early annals of this province, and those of Maryland, that we may have more space for the settlement of the New England States, and some succeeding events, which must at the present day possess the greatest interest. The glance at a few facts in the early history of these colonies, will enable our

readers to understand more clearly the results which can only be in an imperfect manner pointed out within our limits.

All the world knows that the Reformation gave rise to discussions and dissensions that issued in many intolerant acts, dividing the society of the British islands into several fierce parties. A spirit for political debate was aroused; even the common people became judges in regard to the rights of man, especially the rights of conscience; and when persecution was hot or the doctrines of prerogative violently urged, the oppressed and the discontented emigrated to the New World, carrying with them the most austere virtues, principles as well as habits, that were the best calculated to make the place of their settlement permanently theirs and that of their descendants. The single circumstance of the majority being poor, or obliged to labour to supply their daily wants, was a leveller of the distinctions which obtain in Europe, and a security for equality of rank.

In the settlement, however, of the three provinces mentioned there were points of difference; though each colony resembled the others in this, that adversity had overtaken and driven the people from home-from the same great home-and that independence, or freedom from oppression, could alone recompense them in a quarter of the globe so far removed from many of their dearest ties.

The first charter of Virginia, which may in general terms be characterized as the province to which the High Church and Cavalier party resorted, was granted by James the First, in the year 1606; and Mr. Bancroft points out a number of circumstances that concurred to render this period unusually propitious to the emigrants. These we have not time to trace or note. We pass on, therefore, to the year 1621, when the political rights of the Virginians were established by a written constitution, the benefits contemplated to be derived by this sacred ordinance being "the greatest comfort and benefit of the people, and the prevention of injustice, grievances and oppression."

What was called the London Company for a time possessed and exercised some exclusive powers in Virginia. But, says our

author

"The colonists, ceasing to depend as servants on a commercial company, now became freemen and citizens. The ordinance was the basis on which Virginia erected the superstructure of its liberties. Its influences were wide and enduring, and can be traced through all following years of the history of the colony. It constituted the plantation of its infancy, a nursery of freemen; and succeeding generations learned to cherish institutions, which were as old as the first period of the prosperity of their fathers. The privileges which were now conceded could never be wrested from the Virginians; and as new colonies arose at the South, their proprietaries could hope to win emigrants only by bestowing franchises as large as those enjoyed by their elder rival. The London Company merits the fame

of having acted as the successful friend of liberty in America. It may be doubted whether any public act during the reign of King James was of more permanent or pervading influence, and it reflects glory on the Earl of Southampton, Sir Edwin, and the patriot party in England, who, unable to establish guarantees of a liberal administration at home, were careful to connect popular freedom so intimately with the life, prosperity and state of society of Virginia, that they never could be separated."

Again,

Virginia was the first state in the world composed of separate townships, diffused over an extensive surface, where the government was organized on the principal of universal suffrage. All freemen without exception were entitled to vote. An attempt was once made to limit the right to housekeepers; but the public voice reproved the restriction: the very next year it was decided to be hard and unagreeable to reason that any person shall pay equal taxes and yet have no vote in elections;' and the electoral franchise was restored to all freemen. Servants when the time of their bondage was completed, at once became electors, and might be chosen burgesses. Thus Virginia established upon her soil the supremacy of the popular branch, the freedom of trade, the independence of religious societies, the security from foreign taxation, and the universal elective franchise. If in following years she departed from either of these principles, and yielded a reluctant consent to change, it was from the influence of foreign authority."

As to the separate townships, an act of the Virginian legislature, passed in 1658, declared, "that all things respecting parishes and parishioners were referred to their own ordering." In the statute book it was also said, "Among other things, God Almighty hath vouchsafed increase of children to this colony, who are now multiplied to a considerable number." Thus we learn that the colony was the real home of its inhabitants in respect of every human right; while Mr. Bancroft adds, that the huts in the wilderness were as full as the birds-nests in the woods.

During the vicissitudes and troubles of England from James to the Restoration, Virginia experienced an extraordinary degree of tranquillity. To be sure the Cavalier party was obliged to capitulate with the parliament during the Commonwealth; but it was rather a verbal sacrifice of principle than that any actual oppression was sustained. The colony, too, had to contend more than once with the aborigines; but the horrors that marked these conflicts were trifling when compared with those of some neighbouring colonies. In short, hardly has there ever been a finer illustration of the blessings that have attended popular government, religious toleration, social equality, and of the manner in which the institutions securing these were gradually developed. The emigrants were in many instances royalists in the mother country, enthusiastic officers in war, men of education and property. But even these, the waters VOL. 1. (1839.) NO. III.

EE

of the Atlantic divided "from the political strifes of Europe; then industry was employed in making the best advantage of their plantations; the interests and liberties of Virginia, the land which they adopted as their country, were dearer to them than the monarchical principles which they had espoused in England; and therefore no bitterness could exist between the partisans of the Stuarts and the friends of republican liberty." Still, the colonists, as a body, were not altogether superior to the bigotry of the times; for we find them enacting a severe law against the Quakers, and expelling them from their territory and Lord Baltimore, a high spirited, generous, and liberal-minded man, was obliged to escape to England because he was a Catholic.

The intolerence exhibited in the case of this estimable nobleman was not without remarkable results. In fact it led to the settlement of Maryland, which was planted under Lord Baltimore with Catholics; he, with a rare liberality not only making the utmost provision to secure to the colonists enlarged political rights, but jealously limiting his authority over the country, the proprietary of which had been granted to himself. Take part of Mr. Bancroft's estimate of his conduct. Lord Baltimore, he says,—

"Deserves to be ranked among the wisest and most benevolent law-givers of all ages. He was the first in the history of the Christian world to seek for religious security and peace by the practice of justice and not the exercise of power; to plan the establishment of popular institutions with the enjoyment of liberty of conscience; to advance the career of civilization by recognizing the rightful equality of all Christian sects. The asylum of Papists was the spot where, in a remote corner of the world, on the banks of rivers which as yet had hardly been explored, the mild forbearance of a proprietary adopted religious freedom as the basis of the state."

It was well that the founder of the Maryland colony possessed so much personal favour at court as to be clothed with rights and powers, which by his enlightened generosity transmitted the most substantial and popular benefits to the province. But it is not so flattering to the history of the Puritans to learn, that when Cromwell arrived at supreme power, the rigid party now named, who were so jealous and strenuous on the subject of liberty of conscience when they themselves were threatened or made the victims, wantonly disfranchised the whole Catholic community of Maryland. But the Protector was wiser; or, at least being remote from the scene of strife, "was not betrayed into an approbation of the ungrateful decree. He commanded the commissioners not to busy themselves about religion, but to settle the civil government."

Even from the very hasty and imperfect account which we are giving of the contents of these volumes, it will already be perceived that among other admirable lessons they are pregnant with teachings on the subject of toleration in matters of religious faith.

But the early history of New England, which was the resting place of Calvinists, affords by far the most affecting incidents, besides calling up to remembrance the almost unexampled persecutions and tribulations to which the pilgrim fathers had been for a long term of years exposed, before any of them sought peace and a sanctuary in the Western Wilderness.

Mr. Bancroft's account of the Puritans of England, and of the first band of them that crossed the Atlantic for an asylum, is clear, animated and awakening. Let those who love to be excited by strange adventures, by the annals of suffering, courageous, triumphant virtue, resort to the history of those devout men who planted the standard of freedom and religion in New England. Let those who desire to cherish and cultivate the noblest sympathies of our nature follow the harmless, holy brethren in their perilous escape from the shores of their native country-in their short sojourn in Holland,in their voyage thence, its dangers and vicissitudes. Let the fugitives be beheld in their utmost incertitude as to the place where they might land, and as to their reception by white and red men. Let them be thought of-when in darkness and during the inclemency of mid-winter, they arrived upon a desolate rock, the spot where the town of Plymouth now stands, and say whether the heart can resist its warmest responses to the eloquent French traveller's appeal which he appends to a notice of the event?

"This rock," says M. de Tocqueville, " is become an object of veneration in the United States. I have seen bits of it carefully preserved in several towns of the Union." He then adds, " does not this sufficiently show that all human power and greatness is in the soul of man? Here is a stone which the feet of a few outcasts pressed for an instant, and this stone becomes famous; it is treasured by a great nation; its very dust is shared as a relic: and what has become of the gateways of a thousand palaces?"

The earliest settlers in New England encountered the greatest privations, and had frightful evils to overcome; but they accounted religious freedom a sufficient compensation. Slow at first, however, was the increase of their numbers; for we are told that in Massachusetts the emigrants did not exceed three hundred in the ten years that elapsed after the landing of the pilgrim-fathers. But the healthful growth of free institutions had been rapid and cheering. Fifteen years after a representative democracy had been established in Virginia, a similar occurrence marked the history of Massachusetts; thus showing, as indeed the origin and the progress of every other settlement in what now constitutes the Union uniformly has. done, that civil and religious liberty carries in its bosom the seeds and food of prosperity; and that democracy, which Mr. Bancroft happily terms the "epidemic of the country," was the never-failing and highest worldly object with the colonists. To keep by New England ;