What ought the three kingdoms, when menaced by an inveterate and powerful foreign enemy, what muft they do but unite, or be divided and crushed.

He then adverted to the proceedings of the year 1782, not from an idea of connection between that topic and the fubject under difcuffion, but because frequent reference had been made to that fettlement in the debates of both parliaments. Its authors, he faid, had no idea of effecting a legislative union; nor did they by any means declare against such a scheme.

In pointing out the chief requifites* of an union, he mentioned the neceffity of confolidating the armies of the two countries† for, unless there fhould be fuch an union of the military establishments as might afford an opportunity of faying with truth that there was only one army, it might be faid, with regard to the affairs of the British empire, "Chaos is come again." The navy alfo fhould be one, furnished by the united zeal of the whole community; for it would refemble patch-work, if one part of the empire should fupply a fhip and a half, another a quarter, and a third a different quota. There should, at the same time, be only one system of law. Commerce was the next point to be confidered; and this ought to be on an equal footing in both countries. The concerns of finance ought alfo to be affimilated; and, in fhort, the union, to be effective, ought to be fubftantial and complete. Some might fay, that most of these points were already gained; but, as they were in danger of being loft by the jealoufy of the two nations, he wished to render them permanent by an Union.

There was one point which was by no means fettled, and which ought to be well fettled before any Union could be of any avail-that was, the difpofition of the people of Ireland. He knew not how far they might misunderftand their true interests, nor to what violence they might be led: upon this fubject it was manifeft that minifters had mifled themfelves; they were ignorant of the difpofitions of the parliament of Ireland; for, if they had thought they would have been out-voted, they would not have brought the fubject forward; but fince it was clear, that if they knew fo little of the parliament, they must know very little of the difpofition of the people of Ireland of other

* The noble marquis referred to a pamphlet of Dean Tucker, which he obferved in few pages contained more fenfe, as well as more patriotism upon this fubje&t, than the many volumes that had been written upon it.

See what has been before faid upon the inconveniency of the effects of the exifting laws relative to the army.

defcriptions.

defcriptions. With regard to the Catholics, they were now in a state of irritability and vexation: their emancipation was a thing, which it was vain to attempt to stop; it was too late to try. They crawled upon all fours; they had been allowed to ftand upon two: and it was idle to think that they would not look their governors in the face. The thing was gone by: it was filly to fay, they were forry that any thing was done for the Catholics; they ought to rejoice at it, and chearfully finish all they had begun upon that fubject. There was nothing to fear from it. Thofe who thought there was, ought to look at the condition of the Pope-ought to look at the ftate of France; they would then fee that there was no fear from any body of men, on account of the religion which they profeffed. That fpecies of deception was gone. "The queftion, (faid the noble marquis) is not what religion we shall have, "but whether you fhall be permitted to have any? It is not whether this, or that, religion shall be destroyed? Under this fituation of things, every "good man is called upon to join the standard of Jefus Chrift-keep the religion of Jefus Christ-any religion is better than none at all events unite "to oppofe and keep from entering among you those who have no religion, "and who are enemies to all."

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A member, whom he did not know perfonally, (Mr. Dobbs) but whofe fpeeches in the Irish house he admired, had faid of the people of Ireland, "treat them fairly and justly, avow at once your object, and if it be just, I "will pledge myself for their acquiefcence." He would add to the speech of that fenfible man, and fay, do not come forward with your hesitating, "perhaps," or, "it may be," or, we will confider," or any fuch ambiguity, but come boldly forward at once, and tell them fincerely what you intend doing. Speak to them as men that are free, and determined to be free. In all the affairs of life fincerity has fucceeded nine times out of ten; and although the mafs of the people of Ireland were to be pitied for want of education, yet he knew, from the experience of forty years, that liberality was never ill requited by them.

There ought to be no tricking, no intrigue, in their proceedings; let them gain their point by manly and honorable dealing, not procure fuccefs by corruption, or enforce acquiefcence by terror.

The prefent was an awful period-the conteft was ferious and alarming. If wifdom fhould not interpofe, a rupture might arife between the rich and the poor, calamitous to both parties, but more particularly to the latter. The

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The greatest prudence and the most vigilant caution were neceffary to fecure the British empire amidst the convulsions of neighbouring states. It was his earnest wish that Great Britain and Ireland might ftand like two rocks in the fea unmoved by storms, and that the inhabitants of both islands might form the moft cordial and complete union for the prefervation of property, law, order, morality, and religion.

Earl Camden spoke chiefly in defence of his own administration of Ireland. He denied that the recall of Earl Fitzwilliam was productive of diforder or difaffection, and affirmed that the rigorous proceedings of the government were rendered neceffary by that feditious spirit which exifted independently of the Catholic question. He declared, that all the severities imputed to his adminiftration, were preceded by acts of outrage, of infurrection, or of rebellion. He allowed, that his conduct in adopting active and vigorous measures, and apprehending fome of the leaders, did accelerate the rebellion; but, as the same steps facilitated its fuppreffion, he did not think that he could justly be blamed.

He then pronounced his decided opinion in favor of an Union, for the benefit of both countries. There was one part of this subject, upon which he could not speak but with great delicacy, and that was, with respect to the Irish parliament. He had upon every occafion during his refidence in that country, obferved the energy and vigor of the parliament of that country; but ftill he felt himself bound to fay, that he thought a better form of government neceffary for Ireland, and therefore it was that he should give his affent to this measure.

The Marquis Townshend promifed to vote for the measure; but he was apprehensive that every attempt to render the Irish nation happy, would be inefficacious, unless a due obedience to the laws fhould be enforced by refident magiftrates-unlefs the itinerant Catholic priests fhould be prevented from giving abfolution for offences, the stewards, and other agents of the landlords be checked in their career of oppreffion, and the morals of the lower claffes of the people be improved by the care of their fuperiors.

Lord Clifton (Earl of Darnley in Ireland) declared his preference of a legislative Union to any other mode of connexion, but doubted the practicability of the measure. The English, in general, he faid, knew little more of the affairs of Ireland than of thofe of China; in the prefent cafe, they reprefented what was almoft the univerfal fenfe of the nation as the voice of cabal

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or the cry of faction. The voluntary affent of the Irish, he feared, could not be obtained; and coercion would be highly impolitic and unjuft. He therefore wished that the fcheme might be fufpended.

Lord Hobart,* while he approved the conduct, which the Irish parliament had purfued for many years, was convinced that a legislature, conftituted as that was, could not give fatisfaction to the people. His meaning was, that a Proteftant parliament could never fatisfy a nation, of which three-fourths were Catholics. On this ground his determination to fupport the question of a legislative Union principally refted.

Lord Rawdon (Earl of Moira in Ireland) declared that no one would more heartily concur in the propofed measure than himself, if it fhould meet the approbation of the greater part of the Irish community: but, as it had excited general disgust and vigorous oppofition, he was convinced of the danger of profecuting the fcheme. Even if the Irish parliament should be difpofed to adopt it, the difinclination of the people ought to have been deemed a fufficient ground for relinquishing it: otherwise we might nourish in delusive fecurity a fecret fire, which might ultimately confume the vitals of the empire. If he should admit the probability of a change in the disposition of the people, he must contend, as the measure was to be fufpended, that it was at least imprudent to pledge the British parliament to specific refolutions, which might be fuperfeded by the future relative fituation of the countries. Was it to be supposed, that the tenor of the refolutions would alter the fentiments of the Irish nation with regard to a meafure, which they had contemplated in the aggregate with fuch diftafte? Were the provisions judiciously calculated to promote fuch an effect? By one of the refolutions the teft act was to be still operative againft the Catholics and the Proteftant Diffenters of Ireland. Did not this go to establish a strong jealoufy, if not eftrangement, in the breasts of such a majority of that community, whofe confidence and concurrence were fo defirable? The earl had predicted, that the fyftem of government which had been pursued in that country could not go on, and he had unfortunately proved too true a prophet. That, however, was not a confequence flowing from the conftitution of Ireland: it was folely the refult of a frantic exercise of severities on the part of government, as much in contempt of that very conftitution as in defiance of every principle of policy, that had hitherto been current among men.

He animadverted on feveral parts of the fpeech of Lord Grenville, particularly on that, in which the fecretary had faid, that a cafe might occur in which the parliament of Ireland might refufe to pay the troops, and feemed to think that his position on this ground of argument was ftrengthened by the difference of the teft taken by the military body of Ireland from that, which was taken by the troops of England: but a man might be a brave foldier, and a trufty supporter of his country's caufe, even though he fhould believe that there were feven facraments; in fact, there was no feparate regular Irish army; his majefty might call away any regiment to this country, and replace it by another from England, without any explanation to the legislature of Ireland. There was, indeed, a ftipulation that Ireland should have a certain number of troops for her defence; and thofe troops the engaged to pay. But the fecretary argued that the might refuse to pay them. So might the British parliament refufe to pay the army in this ifland. The queftion, by which the house ought to form an opinion refpecting the expediency of bringing forward thofe refolutions, was not what the Irish ought to think, but what they did really think upon the fubject. Whether juftly or not, it appeared, they did think the demand upon Ireland was nothing lefs than the whole body of her laws, her rights, her liberties, her independent parliament, the blood, the labor, the wealth and refources of the people. And under what circumstances did the mafs of the Irish nation come to weigh fuch a fuppofed demand? Difgusted by recent outrages, ftill fmarting from the lafh of late feverities, and irritated by threats of continued infliction, how was it to be fuppofed, that they could meet with temper the propofition for drawing clofer the ties by which, they had been mifchievoufly told, all their past fufferings were occafioned? For it was one of the moft ferious evils of the late troubles, that those who were trampling upon the feelings, the properties, and the lives of their fellow-creatures, disguised their own paffions under the profession, that fuch acts of violence were neceffary for the prefervation of English connection; thereby falfely reprefenting English connection, which ought to be the fource of every bleffing to Ireland, as the spring from which all their calamities had flowed. The Irish government ftigmatized with the name of rebellion that which was only indignation at fome unconftitutional measures; and, having once made the charge against its opponents, thence deduced the right and the neceffity of abandoning the paths of the law, and of making its own conception of expediency the exclufive rule of conduct towards the multi

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