liament could check that power, and the crown required the aid of the legiflature even for ordinary occafions of government, the connexion was nugatory while each realm had a distinct parliament.

The noble secretary proceeded to treat in detail of the chief branches of the royal prerogative, with a view of illuftrating the manner, in which they were or might be exercised in the two kingdoms. He argued diftinctly upon the exercife of the ecclefiaftical, military, fifcal, and political prerogatives of the crown, and plainly fhewed how it might be checked and perverted from the conftitutional ends of vefting them in the executive, by the poffible (and as had actually happened in the cafe of the regency) difcordance of independent parliaments. In the present state of connexion, he contended, that the crown itself might give rife to a conteft. The title to the crown was created by parliament, which was at all times competent to alter it. On what foundation then did the fucceffion reft? It was regulated by the act of annexation: the Irish parliament was independent, and might vary the tenure, as well as that of Great Britain. Hence it was neceffary for the general intereft of the empire, that fome measures should be taken for strengthening this connexion. In the adjustment of a fcheme of this nature, the local interefts of Ireland claimed particular attention; and indeed the propofed plan would confolidate and extend those interests. The evils of that kingdom obviously called for a fpeedy remedy. The prefent government unfortunately had not grown up with the habits of the people. The English connexion was begun among them by the worst of all conquefts, one that was incomplete and partial. At different times the invaders made occafional progress; and renewed hoftilities kept alive the flame of animofity.

His lordship then went into an hiftorical difquifition of the progrefs of that country to civilization and its present state. The good confequences of Union would quickly appear, in the progrefs of civilization, the prevalence of order, the increase of industry and wealth, and the improvement of moral habits. The Hibernian Proteftants would feel themselves fecure under the protection of a Proteftant imperial parliament; and the anxiety of the Catholics would be allayed by the hope of a more candid examination of their claims from a parliament not influenced by the prejudices of a local legiflature. A free admiffion of the Catholics into the Irish parliament might lead to a fubverfion of its conftitution; but all fear of their preponderancy would vanish under a general legislature, as they then would be far outnumbered by

the

the Proteftants. The animofities of these rival parties would be allayed; and a tranquillity which Ireland had rarely enjoyed would be the pleasing result. He then touched upon the real point in difpute. It was abfurd to fuppose, that the independence of Ireland would be facrificed in the event of an Union. It would still remain, and even derive fresh vigor from being confolidated with the proudest and moft folid independence that ever was enjoyed. Before the Union which took place in 1707, England and Scotland were, in fact, lefs independent than when they afterwards compofed the kingdom of Great Britain. By this Union, each kingdom had become more independent of foreign nations, and more independent, if he could so speak, of human events; each had become more powerful, and had increased in prosperity. In like manner, if this legislative Union should take place, no individual would fuffer in dignity, rank, or condition; but, in a national view, all would receive an addition. When the Union with Scotland was in agitation, loud clamors arofe against it; but time had fhewn, that they were ill-founded. It was promotive of the general interefts of the empire to confult the interests of every component part of it; and, as this had proved true with regard to Scotland, in confequence of an union with that country, fo, he was perfuaded, a fimilar measure would operate with refpect to Ireland. Nothing could be adduced as a more powerful motive to Union, than that both countries were affailed by a common enemy, whofe aim was to deftroy Great Britain by making Ireland the medium of that mischief. Before the Union with Scotland, it was alfo the aim of the French to render that country fubfervient to their infidious defigns. At prefent, the chief hope of resistance to the tyrannical power of France feemed to reft on Great Britain; and Ireland, in her weak and difordered ftate, could look to this country alone for fupport. Her independence was effentially involved in her connexion with Britain; and, if the fhould fhake off that tie, fhe would fall under the French yoke.

His lordship now moved the firft refolution, and intimated, that he should afterwards requeft the house to vote an address favorable to the adjustment of a complete Union.

Earl Fitzwilliam declined an ample difcuffion of the fubject, because he deemed the agitation of it unfeasonable. It would tend to inflame diffention, and impair the strength and vigor of the empire. The rebellion in Ireland had arifen from a difunion between the different ranks of the community,

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and a mixture of religious and political animofity. The fame caufes had long been productive of evil; but it was not probable, that a measure repugnant to the feelings of the majority of the nation would operate as a remedy. If the evils of the country, as fome alleged, arose from a feparate legislature, would an Union annihilate the British influence, which prevailed in that legiflature? Would it not ftill be paramount after the conjunction of the two parliaments?

Upon the fubject of the diftinctions between the orders, would they be remedied by an incorporated Union? Had the noble lord faid any thing to induce the house to believe, that these distinctions would be relieved by an Union? He had heard, indeed, fomething of an infinuation thrown out. But had the house, or the people of Ireland, any thing of greater weight than that infinuation? If it were meant to conciliate the Catholics and the lower orders of people, and that was to be done by an incorporated Union, it would first be necessary to fhew them how much they would be benefited by it. Many perfons, who were amongst the brightest ornaments of the ftate, were at present shut out of the legislature. Who would tell him, that the Proteftant interest would be endangered by the admiffion of a Catholic lord in that house: yet this, with all the niggard jealoufy, fit only for the darkest minds, was refused. Did any one at that time of day believe, that the family of the Stuarts would be fupported by the Catholics? And yet the benches of the houfe were bare of thofe, who, in point of birth-right, had as much right to a feat in the houfe as any of their lordships. The noble lord had faid, that the tefts required in the army of Ireland, and in the army of England, were different. They were fo. In Ireland they had admitted the Catholics into the army; in England they were excluded. Would the Catholics then be conciliated by getting into a more narrow-minded legislature? An incorporated Union did not promife that which they required: it put them rather at a greater distance. The whole arguments of the noble lord tended to fhew, that both countries, when incorporated, would be ftronger and better. But the inconveniences, ftated as likely to arife from a feparate legiflature, had exifted from the most ancient times. It was not from 1782 only, but long before that period, that all acts of imperial concern had been done by the Irish parliament. In the declaration of war in 1778 and 1757, their lordships would find, that his majesty had communicated fuch declarations to the Irish parliament. They had the power of deliberating upon it, and of course, as

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the noble lord had faid properly, of deciding. The house then had the experience of ages, that the dangers apprehended from a separate legislature had not arifen. Why, then, it was next to be confidered, whether this were the proper time for an Union. On the part of Great Britain he would fay-Do you wish to introduce into the British parliament the rebellion of Ireland? Do you wish to introduce the reprefentatives of Ireland-Representatives elected by the free electors of Ireland? Oh! no, no, by British bayonets. By fuch, fhould there be a diffolution under fuch aufpices muft the general election be carried on, with an army not only in poffeffion of the fword, but having the law in its difpofal. Could Great Britain then have any thing but the reprefentatives of an army? Was this the body which their lordships defired to have? Was this the period, in which it was wished to introduce fuch representatives?

His lordthip faid he fhould now proceed to ftate fomething perfonal to himself, and for the mention of which, he had to apologize to their lordships. A representation of the circumftances, under which he went to Ireland had been given, and it was upon that point, that he begged to give fome explanation. "I have understood (faid his lordship), that it has been stated in another แ place, that during my administration in Ireland, I was never required to "retract what I had been directed by government to propofe. If it has "been stated, that I never received orders to bring forward the question of "Catholic emancipation on the part of government, I admit that statement "to be true. But in justification of the part I took at that period, (and in << my confcience I believe the events that occurred have led to the evils that now exift, and have stamped the doom of that ill-fated country) it is neceffary to these statements I fhould add a fhort hiftory of the tranfaction. Yielding to the argument of not wishing to entangle government in diffi"culties upon the fubject at that period, I admit, that under orders clearly "understood by me, not to give rife to or bring forward the question of Ca"tholic emancipation on the part of government, I affumed the government "of Ireland. But in yielding to this argument, I entered my proteft against "refifting the queftion, if it should be brought forward from any other quarand I made most distinct declarations, that in case of its being fo "brought forward, it should receive my full fupport. With thefe declarations "I affumed the government of Ireland. This I ftate upon my honor.

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"should not have introduced it, had I not deemed it neceffary to give this "explanation."

Lord Grenville obferved, in reply, that the noble earl admitted, that he went over with orders not to bring forward the Catholic queftion: but he had no recollection of any fuch protest and declaration, as were alluded to by the noble earl. Where was the paper? Earl Fitzwilliam replied, he was forry the noble lord fhould not have it in his recollection, that he entered his proteft, not on paper, but in his prefence, against affuming the government of Ireland but under the circumftance, that if the measure should be brought forward from any other quarter, he should give it his full support.

The Marquis of Lanfdowne faid, that he most cordially concurred in every thing that was afferted by the noble earl in favor and in praise of the Roman Catholics. He muft obferve, however, that this subject had no relation to the question immediately before the house, or to the fituation of the Irish Roman Catholics, though, indeed, the adoption of the propofed Union might ultimately tend to do the Roman Catholics the justice they deserved. But now, as to a large and general question, he was by no means furprised that at first sight it was objected to as improper to be difcuffed at the present moment. Moft undoubtedly, fuch a measure should be the work of peace and of time; it should be the result of difpaffionate judgment and of calm confideration. It was not, however, the firft queftion to be examined: there were other questions, the confideration of which should precede that of the Union; and one of them was, whether it was poffible for the affairs of Ireland to go on as they were governed; the other, if an Union were to take place, what fhould be the nature of that Union. He enumerated the most remarkable events of the Irish history from the year 1767; and obferved upon the cafe of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, that his pofthumous attainder was an act of flagrant tyranny. From the late prevalence of diforder and calamity, he was confident, that fuch a government could not much longer fubfift. The evils of the country required a speedy remedy; and an union promifed a more efficacious cure than any other measure, which could be devifed. It was at all times defirable, at that indispensable. The danger to which the British dominions were expofed rendered such a step neceffary, to obviate irreparable mifchief or prevent total ruin. The Orange and the Green, the Diffenter and the Catholic; the Diffenter, Catholic, and Churchman, when attacked by a common enemy, called out by inftinct for an Union betwixt each other. VOL. II. What

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