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fuccefsfully attacked. Let us derive advantage, if we can, from their hoftility; they felt the most ardent hope, that the two parliaments will be infatuated enough, not to render their defigns abortive by fixing that connexion upon a more folid basis.

The nature of the exifting connexion evidently did not afford that degree of fecurity, which, even in times lefs dangerous and lefs critical, was neceffary to enable the empire to avail itself of its ftrength and refources.

The fettlement of 1782, far from deferving the name of a final adjustment, was one that left the connection between Great Britain and Ireland expofed to all the attacks of party and all the effects of accident. That fettlement confifted in the demolition of the system which before held the two countries together. A fyftem, unworthy of the liberality of Great Britain, and injurious to the interefts of Ireland. But to call that a system in itself-to call that a glorious fabric of human wisdom, which was no more than the mere demolition of another fyftem-was a perverfion of terms.

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Mr. Pitt then quoted the parliamentary journals, to prove that the repeal of the declaratory act was not confidered by the minifter of the day as preclufive of endeavours for the formation of an ulterior fettlement between the kingdoms; for under his aufpices, an addrefs had been voted, requesting his majesty to take fuch measures as might establish, by mutual confent, the 'connexion between this kingdom and Ireland upon a folid and permanent bafis.' No measures of that kind, however, had fince been adopted. The two countries were left with separate and independent legislatures, connected only by the identity of the executive government; and that was not a fufficient tie to unite them in time of peace, to confolidate their strength in time of war, to give to Ireland her full fhare of commercial and political advantages, or to both nations that due degree of ftrength and profperity to which they were entitled. On this head he referred to the opinion of Mr. Fofter, who was chancellor of the exchequer in Ireland at the time when the commercial propofitions were brought forward. That minifter then faid,

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Things cannot remain as they are. Commercial jealoufy is roufed; it will "increase with two independent legislatures; and, without an united intereft "in commerce, in a commercial empire, political union will receive many fhocks, and feparation of interest must threaten feparation of connexion; "which every honeft Irishman must shudder to look at, as a poffible event." Mr. Pitt added, that the evils apprehended by Mr. Fofter could only be re

medied by two means: either by a commercial compact, fimilar to that which was rejected in 1785, or by an union of the two legislatures. He infifted upon the peculiar importance of drawing out the whole ftrength of the empire, and thus ensuring its fafety at that critical moment. The people of Ireland were proud, he believed, of being affociated in the great contest, and must feel the advantage of augmenting the general force of the empire. Every statesman, every writer of any information on the subject has holden, that the measure most likely to augment the power of the British empire, was the Union and confolidation of every part of it.

Great Britain had always felt a common intereft in the fafety of Ireland; but that intereft was never fo obvious and urgent as when the common enemy made her attack upon Britain through the medium of Ireland, and when the attack upon Ireland tended to deprive her of her connexion with Britain, and to fubftitute in lieu of it the new government of the French republic. When that danger threatened Ireland, the purfe of Great Britain was open for the wants of Ireland, as for the neceffities of England.

Mr. Pitt remarked, that he well knew, that as long as Ireland was separated from Great Britain, any attempt on our part to purfue measures which we might think falutary, with respect to queftions of contending fects or parties, the claimed rights of the Catholics, or the precautions neceffary for the fecurity of the Proteftants, must certainly be a violation of the independence of that kingdom, and an ufurpation of the right of deciding points, which could only be brought within our province by compact. He could not be inattentive to the events, that were paffing before him, and he affirmed, that whoever confidered the French as fhewing by their conduct, that they deemed Ireland the weakest and most vulnerable part of the empire; whoever reflected on the dreadful and inexcufable cruelties inftigated by the enemies of both countries, and on thofe lamentable severities, with which the exertions for the defence of Ireland were unhappily, but unavoidably, attended, and the neceffity of which was itself one great aggravation of the crimes and treasons which led to them, muft feel that, as it then stood compofed, in the hoftile divifion of its fects, in the animofities exifting between ancient fettlers and original inhabitants, in the ignorance and want of civilifation, which marked that country more than almost any other country in Europe, in the unfortunate prevalence of Jacobin principles, arifing from these causes, and augmenting their malignity, and which had produced the diftreffed ftate that all now deplored; muft agree in thinking,

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thinking, that there was no cure but in the formation of a general imperial legiflature, free alike from terror and from refentment, removed from the danger and agitation, uninfluenced by the prejudices, and uninflamed by the paffions of that diftracted country.

Among the great and known defects of Ireland, one of the moft prominent features was its want of industry and of capital. How were those wants to be fupplied, but by blending more closely with Ireland the industry and the capital of Great Britain? But, above all, in the great religious diftinctions between the people of Ireland, what was their fituation? The Proteftant feels that the claims of the Catholics threaten the existence of the Proteftant afcendancy, while, on the other hand, the great body of Catholics feel the establishment of the national church, and their exclufion from the exercise of certain rights and privileges, as grievances. In this state of affairs, it becomes a matter of difficulty in the minds of many perfons, whether it would be better to atend to the fears of the former, or to grant the claims of the latter.

He was well aware, that the fubject of religious diftinction was a dangerous and delicate topic, especially when applied to fuch a country as Ireland. Where the established religion of the state was the fame as the general religion of the empire, and where the property of the country was in the hands of a comparatively small number of perfons profeffing that religion, while the religion of a great majority of the people was different, it was not easy to say, on general principles, what fyftem of church establishment in fuch a country would be free from difficulty and inconvenience. By many, it would be contended, that the religion profeffed by a majority of the people would at least be entitled to an equality of privileges; but those who applied fuch an argument without qualification to the cafe of Ireland, furely forgot the principles, on which English intereft and English connexion had been established in that country, and on which its prefent legiflature was formed. No man could fay, that, in the prefent state of things, and while Ireland remained a feparate kingdom, full conceffions could be made to the Catholics, without endangering the ftate, and fhaking the conftitution of Ireland to its centre. On the other hand, when the conduct of the catholics fhould be fuch as to make it safe for the government to admit them to the participation of the privileges granted to thofe of the established religion, and when the temper of the times fhould be favorable to fuch a meafure, it was obvious, that this question might be agitated in an united imperial parliament with much

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greater fafety than it could be in a feparate legiflature. He alfo thought it certain that, even for whatever period it may be thought neceffary, after the union, to withhold from the Catholics the enjoyment of thofe advantages, many of the objections which at prefent arofe out of their fituation would be removed, if the proteftant legiflature were no longer feparate and local, but general and imperial; and the Catholics themfelves would at once feel a mitigation of the most goading and irritating of their prefent caufes of complaint.

He enumerated the general advantages, which Ireland would derive from the effects of the propofed arrangement; the protection which the would fecure to herself in the hour of danger; the most effectual means of increasing her commerce and improving her agriculture, the command of English capital, the infufion of English manners and English induftry, neceffarily tending to meliorate her condition, to accelerate the progrefs of internal civilifation, and to terminate thofe feuds and diffenfions, which diftracted the country, and which he did not poffefs within herself the power either to control or to extinguish. She would fee the avenue to honors, to diftinctions, and exalted fituations in the general feat of empire, opened to all those, whose abilities and talents enabled them to indulge an honorable and laudable ambition..

From the question of general advantage the minifter proceeded to specifie statements of the benefits, which Ireland might derive from the plan, in point of commerce and manufactures.

Having thus affigned his reafons for recommending an incorporate Union, Mr. Pitt noticed fome objections which had been urged against it, particularly thofe which related to parliamentary competency, and to the lofs of the independence of the realm of Ireland.

The minifter fpoke much at large upon the nature of civil power, because he felt, that the falfe and dangerous mockery of the fovereignty of the people was one of the chief elements of jacobinism, one of the favorite impostures calculated to mislead the understanding, and to flatter and inflame the paffions. of the mafs of mankind, who had not the opportunity of examining and expofing it; and that as fuch, on every occasion, and in every shape in which it appeared, it ought to be combated and refifted by every friend to civil order, and to the peace and happiness of mankind. He next addreffed fome obfervations to those politicians, who deprecated the lofs of national independence. In combating this general and abftract principle, which would operate as an objection.

objection to every Union between separate states, on the ground of the facrifice of independence, he did not contend that there was in no cafe juft ground for fuch a fentiment! Far from it: it might become, on many occafions, the first duty of a free and generous people. If there exifted a country, which contained within itself the means of military protection and naval force neceffary for its defence; which furnished objects of industry fufficient for the fubfiftence of its inhabitants, and pecuniary refources adequate to a dignified maintenance of the rank, which it had attained among the nations of the world; if, above all, it enjoyed the bleffings of internal content and tranquillity, and poffeffed a diftinct conftitution of its own, the defects of which, if any, it was within itself capable of correcting; if that conftitution were equal if not fuperior, to any other in the world; or (which was nearly the fame thing) if those, who lived under it believed it to be fo, and fondly cherished that opinion; he could easily conceive that fuch a country muft be jealous of any measure, which, even by its own confent, under the authority of its own lawful government, was to affociate it as a part of a larger and more extenfive empire.

But if there were a country, which againft the greatest of all dangers that threatened its peace and fecurity, had not adequate means of protecting itself without the aid of another nation; if that other were a neighbouring and kindred nation, speaking the fame language, whofe laws and cuftoms were the fame in principle, but were carried to a greater degree of perfection, with a more extenfive commerce, and more abundant means of acquiring and diffufing national wealth; the ftability of whofe government, and the excellence of whofe conftitution, were more than ever the admiration and envy of Europe, and to which the very country of which they were speaking could only boast an imperfect refemblance; under fuch circumstances, what conduct would be prescribed by every rational principle of dignity, of honor, or of intereft? He asked whether that were not a faithful description of the circumftances, which ought to difpofe Ireland to an Union, and whether Great Britain were not precisely the nation, with which on those principles, a country, fituated as Ireland was, would defire to unite. Did an Union, under fuch circumstances, by free confent, and on juft and equal terms, deserve to be branded as a propofal for fubjecting Ireland to a foreign yoke? Was it not rather the free and voluntary affociation of two great countries, which joined for their common benefit in one empire, where each would retain its

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