After Mr. Sheridan, in explanation, had briefly fupported the opinions which he had delivered, Mr. Pitt offered himself to notice, as a defender of the address, and of the general principle of the propofed Union. The addrefs, he said, would only pledge the house to take into ferious confideration a fubject, which was earneftly recommended to its notice, and which was clofely connected with the intereft of the British empire. The mover of the amendment had deprecated all deliberation upon the fubject, and even infinuated that the Irish parliament had not the power of carrying the result of its deliberations into effect, if it fhould determine in favor of an Union, without an appeal to the people. That pofition, if true, would be applicable to the parliaments of both countries, the rights and privileges of both being the fame; would go to invalidate the acts of the laft ninety years, and tend to annihilate the whole authority of the British parliament. To fay that the minifters wifhed to furprife the houfe into this meafure, was also an illfounded affertion; for they had rather been fcrupulous in the oppofite extreme. The queftion was, whether the house fhould proceed to deliberate in a grave and folemn manner, or fhould, without examination, pronounce the Union to be unneceffary, dangerous, or impracticable. That gentleman and his friends had, in the courfe of many years, loudly complained of the mifmanagement of the affairs of Ireland, expatiated on the deformity of its conftitution, and lamented the miferies of its inhabitants. Would it not then be more prudent to apply a promifing remedy at the prefent time, than to rifque the effects of long delay, by which the evils of the country might be aggravated and embittered? Thefe evils had a deep root, being involved in the prevailing character, manners, and habits of the people, in their want of knowledge and intelligence, in the state of property, in the feparation between certain claffes, and in the rancor of religious diffentions. Catholic emancipation and parliamentary reform had been recommended as remedies; but there was little doubt that these pretences covered dangerous designs. If thofe objects could be obtained by calm inveftigation, and fhould feem adequate correctives, few would decline an acquiefcence in them. But if the ftate of fociety be fuch, that laws, however wife in themfelves, would be ineffectual as to their object, until the manners and cuftoms of the people were altered-if men were in a state of poverty, in which it was impoffible that they could have any comfort-if the progrefs of civilization depend in a great measure upon the diftribution of wealth-if the improvement of that

wealth

wealth depend much upon the diftribution of capital-if all the advantages to be derived from an increase of national wealth depend much upon the temper of the inhabitants-if thofe advantages, together with the still greater advantage of mental improvement, be all retarded by the diftractions and divifions of party, by the blind zeal and phrenzy of religious prejudices, by old and furious family feuds-if all these causes combine to make a country wretched, what was the remedy? A legislature standing aloof from local party connexion, fufficiently removed from the influence of contending factions to be the advocate or champion of neither; being fo placed as to have no fuperftitious reverence for the names and prejudices of ancient families, that have so long enjoyed the monopoly of certain public patronages and property, which cuftom had fanctioned, and which modern neceffity might juftify; a legislature that would neither give way to the haughty pretenfions of a few, nor open the door to popular inroads, to clamor, or to the invafion of all facred forms and regularities, under the falfe and impofing colors of philofophical improvement in the art of government. All that was wanted for Ireland. Where was it to be found? In the country where the evils which he had enumerated existed, or in this? Where should that legislature deliberate? In a place where the utmost effort of what was called patriotifin amounted to nothing more than an aim at temporary popularity, as was evident from what had happened, or in a place where the difcuffion was calm and temperate? Certainly the latter; that is, in England. To neglect the establishment of such a legiflature, when it was poffible to do so, was an imprudence, which nothing could justify.

Mr. Pitt did not affent to Mr. Sheridan's obfervation, that England had oppreffed Ireland for three hundred years; but he would fay, that for one hundred years this country had followed a very narrow policy with regard to that kingdom. When the connexion with Ireland was fomething more than a name, when that connexion was afcertained, and the imperial parliament of this country exercised a supremacy over Ireland, it did happen that during that period the narrow policy of Great Britain, influenced by views of commercial advantage, tainted and perverted by selfish motives, treated Ireland with illiberality and neglect, and did not look upon her profperity as that of the empire at large. He reprobated, as much as the honorable gentleman, that narrow-minded policy as mifchievous and pregnant with the most fatal confequences to both kingdoms. Thefe jealoufies, however, would be buried by the plan, which would foon be brought forward. They all had in

their mouths a sentence, importing that every good Englishman and good Irishman felt they muft ftand or fall together; that they should live and die together; and yet without fuch a measure as that which was about to be propofed to them, there could be no fecurity for the continuance of that sentiment. The happiness of both countries ought to be perpetual. As it then ftood, it was liable to a thousand accidents; it depended upon the violence of the moment; it might be governed upon views of temporary popularity, or by the perfonal convenience of a few individuals; a tenure upon which the happiness of a nation ought never to depend.

Of the fettlement of the year 1782, he faid, the very authors of the meafure were not satisfied with their own work, as appears from the journals of the house. They faw the imperfections of their own measure; and, as a fupplement, it was recorded on the journals, that fuch other terms fhould be fettled as should be agreed on between the two nations. But nothing had been done to give it effect, and therefore he had their own authority to fay that it was defective.

He added, that it was incumbent on thofe gentlemen to fhow the bad tendency of the prefent measure, rather than requifite for its advocates to enlarge on its probable benefits; for the conduct of the former proclaimed the neceffity of making fome new attempt in favor of Ireland. Those who fanctioned the independence of the Hibernian parliament, without any fecurity that the two legislatures would never differ effentially upon any point, in which the happiness of the British empire might be involved, were particularly bounden to fhow, that fuch a difference was not likely to happen, or that it might easily be remedied. How stood the cafe in point of experience as to the regency. The honorable gentleman faid there was no difference between the parliaments as to the regent. There was indeed no difference as to the perfon who was to be regent; but there was an effential difference as to the principle, on which that perfon was to be regent: the Irish parliament decided on one principle, the British parliament on another; their agreement with regard to the perfon was accidental; and upon the diftinct principles on which they proceeded, they might as well have differed in the choice of the perfon who was to be regent, as in the adjuftment of the powers, which were to be granted to him. Would any one fay, there was no neceffity for arrangement, for fecuring an uniformity of opinion on points effential to the exiftence of the empire, and guarding against all thofe evils which muft arife, when two bodies, which fhould act

in concert, move in contrary directions? That they had not hitherto differed in the great and momentous events, which had been agitated before parliament, was a good fortune, which had arifen from one general caufe; from the Union of all defcriptions of perfons againft one common enemy, with the exception only of a few, whofe counfels, happily for both countries, and for the civilifed part of the world, had loft all their influence.

Could any man fay, that fuch difference as was manifefted in the time of the regency would never occur again? When they came to treat of peace, for inftance, or to confider the fubject of alliance with any foreign power, or any queftion of trade or commerce, might not local prejudices occafion a difference between the legislatures upon points effential to the welfare of the British empire? What would have been the confequence both to England and Ireland, had the diffenfions in Ireland been the fame in point of force against the executive government in parliament, fince the commencement of the prefent war, as they were at the time when the Irish propofitions were rejected? If, in the prefent conteft, the leaders of oppofition fhould have as much influence in Ireland as they formerly poffeffed, a vote for peace might pafs, and the efforts of Great Britain might be paralyfed. Would the honorable gentleman fay, that the parliament of Ireland might not in fuch a cafe neutralife its ports, prevent the raifing of recruits for the army army and navy, ftrike a fatal blow at the power, and endanger the existence of the empire? Let any man maturely reflect on the dangers that might refult from the prefent fituation of both countries; and he would tremble at the perils, to which they were expofed. Under thefe circumftances, could they do juftice to either country by neglecting to bring forward the propofal of Union?

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After a renewed expofure of the deplorable ftate of Ireland, and an additional enforcement of the neceffity of incorporating that realm with Great Britain, he faid, "I fee the cafe fo plainly, and I feel it fo ftrongly, that no apparent or probable difficulty, no fear of toil, or apprehenfion of a lofs "of popularity, fhall deter me from making every exertion to accomplish "the great work, on which, I am perfuaded, depend the internal tranquillity of Ireland, the general intereft of the British empire, and perhaps the happiness of a great part of the habitable world."

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When the question was put for the amendment, it was rejected without a divifion; and the addrefs was immediately voted.

On the 31st of January, the meffage being again read, Mr. Pitt rofe, and in a long speech fupported the grand object, which his fovereign recommend

ed.

ed. He began with a reference to the late proceedings of the Houfe of Commons in Ireland. That the parliament of that kingdom had the right and the power of rejecting a propofition of that nature, he did not prefume to deny; yet, convinced as he was that the measure would not only tend to the general benefit of the empire of Great Britain, but would particularly increase the profperity and enfure the fafety of Ireland, he deeply lamented the unfavorable reception of the scheme in the Irish House of Commons. He did not mean to speak disrespectfully of the conduct of that houfe; but, while he admitted and refpected their rights, he felt that, as a member of the parliament of Great Britain, he also had “a right to exercife and a duty "to perform." That duty was to exprefs, as diftinctly as he could, the general nature and outline of a plan which he confidered as pregnant with the most important advantages. If the British parliament, upon full explanation, and after mature deliberation, fhould be inclined to favor the fcheme, he would propofe that its opinion fhould remain recorded as a determination by which it would abide, leaving to the difpaffionate judgment of the legislature of Ireland the future adoption or rejection of the plan.

With regard to the general principle of the measure, both fides of the house feemed to confider a perpetual connexion between Great Britain and Ireland as effential to the true interefts of both.

Affuming it then as a propofition not to be controverted, that it is the duty of those, who wish to promote the interest and profperity of both countries, to maintain the ftrongeft connexion between them, he asked, what fituation of affairs had called them to the difcuffion of this fubject? This very connexion, the neceffity of which had been admitted on all hands, had been attacked by foreign enemies and domestic traitors. The diffolution of this connexion was the great object of the hoftility of the common enemies of both countries; it was almost the only remaining hope, with which they ftill continued the contest.

A close connexion with Ireland having been allowed to be effential to the interefts of both countries, and that connexion being dangerously attacked, it was not to be infinuated that it was unneceffary, much lefs improper, at that arduous and important crifis, to fee whether fome new arrangements, fome fundamental regulations, were not requifite, to guard against the threatened danger. The foreign and domestic enemies of these kingdoms had fhewn, that they thought this the vulnerable point in which they might be most VOL. II. fuc

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