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On a divifion the Anti-Unionists prevailed; 111 voted for the rejection of the contefted paragraph, and 106 for its continuance. Mr. Ponfonby then proposed an amendment fimilar to his former motion; but, as it was deemed unneceffary, he confented to withdraw it.

The public exultation rose to a great height on this defeat of the ministry. The Unionifts were infulted by the lower claffes of the people, and the public prints joined in the clamor.

The popular journals were lavish in their panegyrics of the Anti-Unionists: printed lifts of the voters were circulated about gratis amongst the people, in order, as the fuperfcription imported, that they might know their glorious and virtuous defenders, that every honeft man might engrave their names and their fervices on his heart, and hand them down to his children's children.*

So fanguine was the British minifter in his expectation of fuccefs, in carrying the measure of Union, that he did not think it adviseable to await the result of the deliberations of the Irish senate upon it; but presuming on his ftrength in the Irish as much as in the British houses of parliament, he opened his plan of operations in both on the fame day: accordingly on the 22d of January, 1799, a meffage from the fovereign was delivered to the British peers by Lord Grenville, recommending an Union in the following tern s

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"His majefty is perfuaded, that the unremitting industry, with which our "enemies perfevere in their avowed design of effecting the feparation of Ire"land from this kingdom, cannot fail to engage the particular attention of "parliament; and his majefty recommends it to this houfe to confider of "the most effectual means of counteracting and finally defeating this defign; and he trufts, that a review of all the circumstances which have recently occurred (joined to the fentiments of mutual affection and common "intereft) will difpofe the parliaments of both kingdoms to provide, in the manner, which they fhall judge moft expedient, for fettling fuch a complete and final adjustment as may best tend to improve and perpetuate a "connexion effential to their common fecurity, and to augment and confo"lidate the strength, power, and refources of the British empire."

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This meffage having been read, Lord Grenville propofed, that it fhould be

* This lift is to be seen in Appendix, No. CXVI.

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taken into confideration on the enfuing day, and the lords fummoned, to which the house agreed.

A fimilar meffage, on the fame day, was prefented to the commons by Mr. Dundas, who moved, that it should be confidered on the morrow. Mr. Sheridan immediately rofe, and while he declared his concurrence in the general fentiments which the meffage conveyed, he thought it but fair thus to give early notice, that he viewed the bringing forward of that question, at that time, as a measure replete with fo much mischief, that he held it his duty to take the first opportunity to do every thing in his power to arreft the farther progrefs of it. He was convinced, that it was the common feeling in and out of that house, to adopt every measure that might tend to perpetuate and strengthen the connexion between the two countries; because all were convinced, that a feparation would not only injure, but be fatal to the interefts and the existence of both. What he pointed at particularly was, the time of bringing forward the queftion. He readily joined in returning his majefty thanks for his communication; but instead of engaging to proceed to an early confideration of the fubject, he should endeavour to perfuade the houfe not to proceed at all to fuch a confideration.

Mr. Pitt in reply faid, he was at a lofs to guefs on what grounds the honorable gentleman would attempt to fatisfy the houfe they ought not to proceed to the confideration of the important measure, which his majefty, from his paternal regard to the interefts of the empire, had thought proper to recommend to their confideration; at the fame time he informed the house, that his intention was only to propofe an addrefs to his majefty on the next day; and then, after a fufficient interval, (about ten days) to proceed to the farther difcuffion of the fubject. It was not his wifh even then to prefs the houfe to come to a vote until the outline had been opened; then the general outline and principles would be fubmitted, and it would be proposed to have the refolutions printed, and to allow a farther interval, for the purpose of enabling gentlemen to be properly prepared for the difcuffion.

Mr. Sheridan confidering the measure as the counfel of his majesty's minifters, faid he deprecated the mischievous confequences of any difcuffion at all; and therefore was not to wait for a difcuffion, when he deprecated the confequences of it.

The motion for taking his majefty's meffage into confideration on the morrow was agreed to.

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On the following day Lord Grenville in the Houfe of Peers moved the order of the day for taking his majesty's message into confideration; no debate occurred; and the peers voted an addrefs of thanks for his majesty's gracious communication, affuring him, that they would maturely deliberate on the fubject recommended to their notice, and promote any adjustment for confolidating the general interefts of the British empire.

When Mr. Dundas moved for a like address in the commons, he obferved that it was then unneceffary to dwell on the fubject, as a future day would be appointed for difcuffing it.

The addrefs having been read, Mr. Sheridan faid, that he conceived it incumbent upon ministers before they propofed the difcuffion of a plan of Union, to offer fome explanations with regard to the failure of the laft folemn adjustment between the countries, which had been generally deemed final. There was the stronger reason to expect this mode of proceeding, when the declaration of the Irish parliament in 1782* was recollected. The British legislature having acquiefced in this declaration, no other basis of connexion ought to be adopted. The people of Ireland, who cherished the pleafing remembrance of that period when independance came upon them as it were by surprise, when the genius of freedom refted upon their island, would come to this fecond adjufiment with a temper which would "augur not tranquillity but difquietude, not profperity but calamity, not the fuppreffion of treason, "but the extenfion and increase of plots to multiply and enfanguine its hor

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It might be deemed informal, he hoped it was not improper, to enter into the difcuffion on an addrefs of thanks. There were topics on which filence would be unworthy of the majesty of truth, and his country had claims upon him, which he was not more proud to acknowledge than ready to liquidate to the full measure of his ability.

* We beg leave to reprefent to his majesty, that the subjects of Ireland are entitled to a free conftitution; that the imperial crown of Ireland is infeparably annexed to the crown of Great Britain, on which connexion the happiness of both nations effentially depends; but that the kingdom of Ireland is a distinct dominion, having a parliament of her own, the fole legiflature thereof: that there is no power whatsoever competent to make laws to bind this nation, except the king, lords, and commons of Ireland: upon which exclufive right of legislation we confider the very effence of our liberties to depend, a right which we claim as the birth-right of the people of Ireland, and which we are determined, in every fituation of life, to affert and maintain.

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There was a time when it would have been intimated to him, that to agi tate in that house any question relative to the affairs of Ireland would be an encroachment on the rights of the parliament of that country; and that fuch an infult to the dignity of that body, and to its competence of legislation, would inflame that quick spirit of independence, which the fifter kingdom knew how to exprefs, and had ever appeared both able and ready to infufe into a fyftem of ardent intrepid oppofition to every act of ulterior domination. But now that the queftion involved the independence and very existence of the Irish parliament, he did not fuppofe that any speaker would have recourse to fuch an argument. In difcuffing the intricate and delicate interefts, which the king's meffage embraced, he could fee the poffible danger of increafing the difcontent of the people of Ireland: but danger was to be apprehended from a violation of the rights and the independence of Ireland. Whatever might be the confequences of the present scheme, he was disposed to give credit to ministers for purity of intention. He could not fufpect that they would propose a measure which they believed would ultimately cause a feparation of Ireland from this country. He feared the agitation of the queftion might rather encourage than deter our foes, and that the distraction which it might produce would aid their purpose.

To render an incorporate union in any refpect a defirable measure, the fenfe of the nation ought to be freely manifefted in favour of it; but there was no profpect of obtaining fuch a concurrence; and an Union carried by surprise, by intrigue, by fraud, corruption, or intimidation, would leave both countries, with regard to permanency of connexion, in a situation worse than the present: nor ought the Union to be obtained by following the advice of a pamphleteer (Mr. Cook) who hinted that we should recollect the game played off by the volunteers of Ireland to take advantage of Great Britain, and play the fame game against them. Let them never have to fay to the English, "you offered us your affiftance, against domeftic and foreign enemies; we accepted it, and, in return, gave you affection and gratitude, and the irreproachable pledge of all the support in our power. You then took advantage with your 40,000 foldiers; you conftrained us to fubmit to an Union; you would not wait for our confent. Some were afraid of being fufpected of difloyalty, if they should come forward; others were banished; all were fenfible that it was in your power, by acts of negative intimidation (the expreffion would be understood by thofe who talked of negative fuccefs)

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by refufing to fend more men, or to relieve our pecuniary difficulties, to force an Union. If by fuch acts they deprived Ireland of the power of refifting any claims made upon her, if thus they wrung from her her independence, if thus they intimidated and corrupted her parliament to furrender the people to a foreign jurifdiction, he would not juftify the Irish in a future infurrection, but he would fay, that the alleged grounds for it would wear a very different complexion from the late.

That the propofition itself should be entertained in Ireland, must be confidered as an extraordinary cafe. To the period of the last folemn adjustment, the great impolicy and heinous injuftice of the British government towards Ireland for 300 years is notorious and avowed. Is it then reasonable to suppose, that a country, the object of fuch infult for three centuries, when at last she had wrung from our tardy juftice that independence, which the had a right to claim, and had obtained commercial advantages, should, only fixteen years afterwards, fo far forget all prejudices, as to furrender the means, by which the acquired thofe advantages? Would this be the cafe, if the free sense of the country were manifefted? But it is poffible that, during those fixteen years, the parliament may have forfeited the confidence of the country. Do the Irish plead guilty to this charge? On the contrary, did not his majesty congratulate Ireland, that by the vigor of her parliament she had acquired an increase of profperity? And that by the vigilance of the Irish parliament the late confpiracy was detected and brought to light: and when new disturbances are dreaded, was it to be difmiffed? Was the detection of plots likely to be better effected by the English parliament?

Would it be maintained, that the measure of an Union would not wholly diffolve the legiflature of Ireland; that independence would furvive Union, though in a modified ftate; and that the parliament would be left to judge of the local affairs of Ireland? Really this feems almoft too much for men's feelings. A parliament! A fort of national veftry of Ireland, fitting in a kind of mock legiflative capacity, after being ignobly degraded from the rank of representatives of an independent people, and deprived of the greatest authority that any parliament could poffefs! Could fuch a state be called a state of independence? And could we suppose that the Irish would agree to fuch an Union under any other circumstances than thofe of force.

Was the parliament of England competent or qualified to legislate for the parliament of Ireland? Impoffible. Every advantage of fituation favored the one; the other was unfitted for governing, or giving law, by every disadvan

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