"of the honorable colonel) I run into thofe miftakes from want of ufe, as I "understand the honorable colonel's commiffion is no older than yesterday. "I will tell the honorable colonel how the country may be quieted, and how "it is poffible to put an end to her diffentions, and that too by the most "conftitutional means; by independent men fuch as the honorable colonel, "not prefuming, when the conftitution is at ftake, to difobey the inftructions "of their conftituents; by fuch men as the honorable colonel, holding them"felves above the allurements of office or promotion, when honeft and vir"tuous men are removed for daring to advise and to act for the public good, "and when it may be difgraceful and degrading both in point of the time "and the conditions, to accept of any favor from thofe in power. If the "reprefentatives of the people of Ireland will act that part, the honorable co"lonel will then fee, that he is grofly in error, when he calls the independence "of Ireland a phantom." He concluded a long and animated fpeech by repeating his opinion, that parliament, unless authorized by the explicit unequivocal fenfe of the people, had no right to confent to the measure of a legislative union with Great Britain, and that if it should adopt fuch a measure against the confent of the people, there was no inherent moral right in the legiflature fo to do, by which the nation would be bound to adopt the proceeding.

Mr. Odell oppofed the amendment.

Mr. William Smith at fo late an hour (then about noon) would, with a view to brevity, fubftitute affertion in the place of argument. As every lawyer who had rifen to oppofe the meafure, had thought proper, at the fame time, to protest against the authority of parliament to achieve it, he rofe as a lawyer, to record his diffent from what he conceived to be fo unfounded, and so mischievous a doctrine. He rofe explicitly to declare his decided opinion, that parliament was as competent to conclude an union, as it was to enact a turnpike bill. He meant not to detract from the importance of the former great imperial arrangement, or to infinuate, that the fenfe of the community upon it was not deferving of their moft ferious attention: he meant only to affert the theoretic, conftitutional competence of the Irish legislature.

Mr. Stewart, of Killymoon, declared himself in favor of Mr. Ponfonby's amendment.

Colonel Uniacke oppofed the amendment, as did Mr. Staples.

Mr.

Mr. Serjeant Stanley fupported the addrefs to the king in its original form. Mr. Thomas Townsend replied to Mr. Serjeant Stanley and to Mr. William Smith. He would oppofe the Union projected by every poffible means: it was fatal to the liberties of Ireland. As a conftitutional queftion it was utterly untenable, as a matter of policy it was ruinous to the peace, honor, freedom, and real interests of that kingdom as well as Great Britain.

Sir L. Parfons faid, that at that late hour he did not rife to speak to the queftion at large. The fentiment of the nation was now fo decidedly evinced, by the sense of the independent gentlemen in the house against an union, that he hoped the minifter would never give him an opportunity of speaking to the fubject again, but would abandon it. If however he should further perfevere, Sir Lawrence would take the earliest opportunity of speaking his fentiments fully, and fhould now content himfelf with declaring his decided difapprobation of the meafure.

Mr. L. Morres opposed the amendment; as did alfo Mr. H. D. Grady. The honorable G. Knox faid, that he should reserve himself for a full difcuffion of the important question in agitation, until it came more directly before the house. At prefent he merely rose to state, that nothing which he had heard that night, had produced the slightest alteration in the fentiments which he, in common with his conftituents (the college), was known to entertain upon the fubject.

Mr. G. Ponfonby replied to the principal arguments advanced from the other fide of the house, and closed the longest and most interesting debate ever heard within thofe walls, by conjuring gentlemen not to be calculating on the probable effect of their vote, but for every man to act as if engaged in a battle, where the victory depended on his fingle arm; ever holding in remembrance, that conqueft does not always depend on numbers; a small and virtuous band of Spartans having faved the liberties of Greece, and a gallant officer (Verreker, member for Limerick,) ftopped the progress of an invader in their own country, with his fmall, but brave band of 200 men. He concluded by declaring, that never in the courfe of his life did he feel fuch delightful fentiments, as that moment, when he contemplated the virtue and spirit, the proud integrity difplayed by the gentlemen, with whom he then had the honor of acting, and, he trufted, of closing in honest victory an honeft conteft. He omened great and folid, and permanent advantages and bleffings to the country, from the fcene, which that day and the preceding

night had been difplayed in the Irish Houfe of Commons-not the "Permanent Arrangements" glanced at in the fpeech from the throne, but fuch as would, in fecuring the honor and independence of Ireland, contribute most effectually to the ftrength and glory of the empire.

This first debate on the Union,* which afforded to the minifter the unfatisfactory victory of a majority of one voice, lafted twenty-two hours: the houfe adjourned to ten o'clock of the morning of the 24th. During the whole of this first debate the avenues to the houfe were crowded with perfons awaiting the refult of the debate, which though the queftion were loft, was confidered as a victory by the Anti-Unionifts, and proclaimed as fuch by various demonftrations of joy through the metropolis. Some outrages and infults were offered to members fuppofed to be Unionifts as they went into or came out of the houfe. When on the 24th of the month the addrefs was reported, on the reading that part of it, which related to an Union, Sir L. Parfons objected to the paragraph, as pledging the house under a metaphorical expreffion to admit the principle of a Legislative Union. Before 1782, when Ireland was ftruggling for her independency, and the English government contending against it, the confequence was, that all the principal per

* I have been more minute in the report of this firft debate, than it may be necessary in future, in order to fhew the difpofition, temper, and opinions of thofe, who oppofed and who fupported the measure of Union; and alfo faithfully to put the reader in poffeffion of the weight of argument on each fide. It must be impartially allowed, that in this firft conteft, talent, energy, and independence preponderated on the fide of the minority.

†This paragraph relating to the Union was as follows. "The unremitting activity, with which "our enemies perfevere in their avowed defign of endeavouring to effect a feparation of this king"dom from Great Britain, muft conftantly engage our most earnest attention; and as your majefty " has condescended to express an anxious hope, that this circumstance, joined to the sentiment of "mutual affection and common intereft, may difpofe the parliament in both kingdoms to provide "the most effectual means of maintaining and improving a connexion effential to their common "fecurity, and of confolidating as far as poffible, into one firm and lafting fabric, the strength, "the power, and the refources of the British empire, we shall not fail to give the fulleft confidera“tion to a communication of fuch momentous importance.”

fons

fons in official fituations at that time, by voting continually with the minifter against their national claims, became fo odious and were fo blackened in the eyes of the people, that even after they had obtained their independency, the people could place no confidence in government compofed of thofe men, who had fo long refifted it. Sixteen years had removed many of these men, and nearly obliterated the recollection of thefe old conflicts: and juft at the time that it might be hoped, that a government well conducted might poffefs the public confidence, this unfortunate measure of an Union was now brought forward, reviving political controverfies, kindling anew political jealoufies between the two kingdoms, and debafing and blackening all the official men in high fituations here, in the opinion of the people; for never, never could the people of Ireland place confidence in an administration, compofed of men, who on this occafion had fhewn their promptitude to betray the deareft rights and privileges of their country. No! they were blackened and blackened for ever in the eyes of the people of Ireland! Yet the independent gentlemen of Ireland, in despite of all the direct and indirect means, which had been employed to pervert them on this occafion, have proved to the nation, that their present independent parliamentary conftitution was dearer to them, than their lives, and that it is but with their lives that they would ever furrender it: there was not in the world a more open, warm-hearted, grateful, and unfufpecting people, than the people of Ireland. This unfortunate and ill-advised attempt, however, must destroy in them all future confidence towards the government, as long as it was conftituted of thofe men, who on that occafion had been fo forward to facrifice the rights of their country, even though that day fhould put a complete termination to the fatal project; for they might reft affured, it was neceffary that they fhould put it down decifively, otherwife that country would continue in a state of ferment and agitation, every day more and more prejudicial to the connexion between the two kingdoms. The noble lord had admitted, that Ireland muft lofe fomewhat by the increase of absentees, but faid, that lofs would be countervailed by the number of English merchants and manufacturers that would come and fettle there. He reprefented them immedidiately covering the face of the whole ifland, and producing every where a new and valuable middle order of men. The fame had been faid in the American war, when they obtained a free trade, but no Englishman came to fettle there in confequence. He then replied to fome other arguments raised in

favor of the Union, particularly to that of the attorney general, who had faid, that the parliament during the firft three reigns after the eftablishment of the English there, fat in England, and that there was then a kind of union. If it were fo, that would be of little import at the prefent day; the confideration being not what the conftitution was then, but what it now is. He held however in his hand a decifive document against that affertion of the attorney general. It was the anfwer of the Irish parliament to Edward, when fummoned by him to England. He fhewed what the conftitution was, and alfo what the fpirit was, which animated the Irith parliament at that day.

"The nobles and commons unanimoufly and with one voice declared, that "according to the rights, privileges, liberties, laws, and cuftoms of the land "of Ireland enjoyed from the time of the conqueft of faid land, they are not "bound to fend any perfons from the land of Ireland to the parliament or "council of our lord the king in England as the writ requires. Notwith"ing on account of their reverence, and the neceffity and prefent diftrefs of "the faid land, they have elected reprefentatives to repair to the king, and "to treat and confult with him and his council; referving to themselves the power of yielding or agreeing to any fubfidies. At the fame time protest"ing, that their compliance is not hereafter to be taken in prejudice to the rights, privileges, laws, and cuftoms, which the lords and commons from "the time of the conqueft of the land of Ireland have enjoyed."

Thus at a time of great exigency, they confented for once to go; but knowing, that mingled with the parliament of England, they must be outnumbered; and fo that great fubfidies might be impofed on their own country against their confent, they previously declared, that they referved to themselves alone the power of raifing any contributions on the people; and they concluded, that their compliance on that occafion fhould never be brought as a precedent for any future day.

Were the Union ever fo good a meafure, why bring it forward at that time? Was it not evidently to take advantage of England's ftrength there, and their own internal weaknefs? It was always in times of divifion and difafter, that a nation availed itself of the infirmities of its neighbour, to obtain an unjust dominion. That Great Britain fhould defire to do so, he did not much wonder; for what nation did not defire to rule another? Nor was he furprised, that there fhould be fome among them bafe enough to confpire