affirmed on the authority of a manufcript left by Sir John Clerk; but it ought to be confidered, that it was unfupported by other teftimony, and that Sir John was connected by marriage with the Duke of Queensbury, the chief of the Scotifh Unionifts: it was therefore no more furprifing, that fuch a man fhould represent the measure as popular, than that Lord Caftlereagh or fome of his friends and relatives fhould fpeak of the new project of Union as being fupported by the general voice of Ireland. That the Union was not popular in Scotland, appeared from a series of the most indifputable facts, as well as the most unquestionable documents. In the year 1713, a motion was made by the Earl of Findlater to diffolve the Union, and that motion was fupported by the Whig party, by Lord Sunderland and feveral others, who had been commiffioners in adjusting the tranfaction. Upon that occafion there was an equality of votes, there being fiftyfour on each fide; and it was decided in favor of an Union, only by a majority of four upon the proxies. There were feveral proofs extant from letters written by friends to the measure, and decided foes to jacobitifm, that the Union was very unpopular in Scotland. In 1715, when the Earl of Mar took the field in the cause of the house of Stuart, he announced the defign to reftore the old conftitution of Scotland, and a declaration was a few days after iffued by a number of the principal perfons on the fame fide, in which the Union was particularly reprobated as a grievance. Thus it was clear, that the friends of the Pretender confidered Union unpopular, and thought that it would be favorable to their caufe to encourage the hope of its repeal. The Pretender himself, on his landing, iffued a proclamation in the fame spirit to conciliate the fupport of the people, who viewed the Union as the extinction of their national independence, and the introduction of a foreign yoke. From the whole hiftory of thefe periods, it was evident that the effect of the Union had been unfavorable to the repofe and tranquillity of the ftate.. It was an additional fubject of difcontent to a people already labouring under many difadvantages of internal government and regulation, and till the real caufe of the evil was removed, till the grievances were remedied, no pro-grefs was made towards establishment of tranquillity, and to the advancement of commerce and manufactures. A wife and conciliatory system, he faid, would tend more effectually to allay the distractions of the country, and diffipate the dangers, with which it was threatened from foreign or domeftic enemies, than any attempt to incor porate porate its legislature with that of Great Britain. The Catholics, of whofe pretentions fo much had been faid, might in his opinion be relieved from all remaining disabilities by a separate parliament, without the rifque of the prevalence of their party. If this projected Union fhould fucceed, it would place at the difpofal of the crown a number of abject inftruments that might be employed against the privileges of their fellow-fubjects. "I rejoice," faid the late Earl of Chatham, "that the Americans have refifted; for three millions of flaves in America "would have been fit tools to overthrow the liberties of Britain." For the fame reafon he rejoiced, that the Irish had fhewn a firm determination to preferve their conftitutional rights and liberties; and he trufted, that minifters would not be able by undue means to triumph over their spirited oppofition. He then moved an address to his majesty, praying him to direct his ministers to fufpend all proceedings on the Union, till the fentiments of the people of Ireland refpecting that meafure fhould have been afcertained. Mr. Johnstone in a maiden fpeech fpoke ftrongly for an Union. Mr. Nicholl, though not accustomed to give his fupport to the ftatefman, who had planned the Union, fpoke warmly in its favor. Sir Gregory Page Turner and Major General Loftus* were alfo advocates for the measure. Dr. Lawrence oppofed it as unjuft and impolitic under the exifting circumftances of Ireland; and Mr. Sheridan, on the fuppofition of a strong diffent of the Hibernian nation, deprecated the profecution of a measure, which, if it fhould be carried into effect by corruption or violence, would become the fatal fource of difcontent and rebellion. That the Union had the general approbation and independent affent of the Irish nation, a number of addreffes and declarations were mentioned as a proof; but where were thefe addreffes? The addreffes againft it were eafy to be found. Twenty-feven of the counties had openly declared againft it; and with thefe would have united Antrim and Sligo, if martial law had not been proclaimed, and prevented the intended meetings. If the measure were thus to be carried, he had no hefitation in faying, that it would be an act of tyranny and oppreffion, and muft become the fatal * This gentleman corrected what Mr. Grey had said relative to the introduction of military British officers into the Irish parliament: he inftanced General Craddock and fome others, who came into the Irish parliament upon independent grounds. Mr. Grey thanked him for the correction, and faid he had chiefly in his eye General Lake, whom from a variety of circumftances, he thought little entitled to fit as an Irifh legiflator. fource fource of new discontents and future rebellions; and the only standard round which the pride, the paffions, and the prejudices of Irishmen would rally, would be that, which would lead them to the recovery of a conftitution that would have been thus foully and oppreffively wrefted from them. No attempt had been made to deny the notorious fact, that fixty-five feats had been vacated to make places for men, whofe obfequioufnefs would not permit them to oppose the measure; and it was equally notorious, that no art or influence which the policy of corruption and intimidation could put in play had been left untried, to gain over partizans to the Union. In this affertion every gentleman must acquiefce, who would confult his heart and his honor, and for a proof of it he would refer them to what had befallen Sir John Parnell; his fate was no unimpreffive warning to those, who might be tempted to follow his example. Thus was intimidation holden out every where, without room any where for the expreffion of a free will and unbiaffed judgment. Martial law, fpies, informers, &c. &c. were on all fides marshalled against the opposers of the Union; and it was only to be wondered how any fet of men, under fuch a fyftem of terror, could have dared fo boldly and manfully to express their abhorrence of it. Mr. Dundas would not admit that the Irish in general diffented from the scheme; but Mr. Tierney was convinced of their repugnance. Lord Carysfort affirmed, that the Unionifts in the Irish parliament had a much greater extent of property than their adversaries, in the lords ten to one, and that the judging portion of the people approved the project. Mr. Pitt, however, indignantly fcouted the idea of appealing to a community fo influenced by factious leaders; he was fatisfied with the conftitutional affent of parliament. Mr. Grey's motion having been fupported only by 30, and negatived by 236, the three first articles were voted. On the fucceeding day, the examination of the three next articles being poftponed, the feventh was brought forward. Dr. Lawrence offered fome ineffectual oppofition. When the other articles, particularly thofe concerning the peerage and popular representation, were fubmitted to the committees in both houses, fome warm debates arose upon them, but they comprised nothing new or peculiarly relevant to Ireland. The majorities upon each divifion were uniformly in the fame proportion. Lord Hawkesbury made a very able fpeech upon the general nature of our popular reprefentation in parliament. Lord Grenville, on the 28th of April, when the house was in a committee upon the fourth article, drew their attention to three points of difference, which would be found between the Irish and Scotish peers. The former, when chofen, would hold their feats till death, except the fpiritual peers, who, if they fhould be deputed for life, would be too long abfent from their fees. This permanence of the elected noblemen feemed better calculated than a temporary delegation to guard against the effects of undue influence and control. The fecond point was the eligibility of the peers of Ireland to a feat among the commons of the empire. A confiderable number of thofe peers had fo little property or influence in that country, as to have scarcely any chance of being deputed to a representation of the peerage; and the election of fuch individuals as commoners would ftrengthen the connexion of claffes, and conftitute a defirable Union of feeling and intereft between the houses of parliament. The third point, the eventual creation of new Irish peers, would be neceffary for the prevention of too rapid a progrefs towards the extinction of the peerages. Lord Mulgrave moved for the omiffion of that claufe, which allowed the Hibernian peers to fit in the Houfe of Commons for any of the fhires and boroughs of Great Britain, with a provifo that they fhould ceafe to enjoy during that time the privileges of the peerage. Such a regulation, he said, would tend to break down the bulwark between the peers and the commons, and confequently the barrier between the crown and the people; to introduce a confufion of ranks, and promote democratic diforder. The chancellor defended the claufe as reafonable and conftitutional. Why, he asked, would it be more degrading for an Irish peer than for the eldest fon of the first peer of this kingdom to be tried as a commoner; and would it not be a great hardship for a number of the peers of Ireland to be deprived of the chance of becoming legiflators? The Earl of Caernarvon oppofed the clause, because it seemed to have a jacobinical tendency; and the Earl of Darnley recommended, in this refpect, an adherence to the ftipulations of the Scotish Union. Lord Mulgrave's motion for omitting a part of the article was negatived by 50 against 7. On the 30th of April, a debate arose from a motion of Lord Holland, tending to give the Catholics a pledge or profpect of the abolition of the difabilities, to which they were still fubject both in Ireland and in Great Britain. In this country, a regard to juftice dictated fuch relief: in the other, it was not only only a matter of justice, but was effential to public tranquillity, and would contribute to reconcile the minds of the majority of that people to the new project. Notwithstanding he confidered the policy of the Union doubtful, and fome of its provifions, particularly with regard to representation, alarming innovations, yet if he thought that the emancipation of the Catholics were to accompany the Union, it would foften much of its hoftility to the project. If he himself then confidered the restoration of the rights of the Catholics fo ftrong a recommendation, what must be the feelings of thofe, who were fo much more nearly interested in it? It had been faid, indeed, that it was not worth while to attempt reclaiming thofe, who were difaffected in Ireland. If any minifter did not think it worth while by wife and liberal measures, to conciliate those who were difaffected, and to bring them back to their duty, fuch a minifter would be unfit to be trufted with the conduct of public affairs: it was an object of the highest importance to strengthen his majefty's government by conciliating the affections of all his fubjects. But it might be faid it would be better to wait. He, on the contrary, thought that the prefent was the moment to remove all the doubts, which the Catholics might entertain, and to render them friendly to the measure, by fhewing them candidly the advantages they would gain. It would thus tend to confirm thofe who hefitated in their opinion, and to reconcile thofe who might be hoftile to the Union. It had been faid, that the emancipation was a mere pretext employed to delude the people of Ireland; but its being fuccefsful as a pretext, was a proof of how much importance it was to take it away. In the late rebellion, which however he never would be induced to call a Catholic rebellion, fo many would not have been led away by it, had not the restraints, under which the Catholics laboured been confidered as grievances. It was a grievance to be estimated in its operation on men's minds; not by the injury it did, but by the infult which it fuppofed. Lord Borrington thought the agitation of that question was unfeasonable, and therefore moved the previous queftion. The Marquis of Landfdown did not disapprove the motion, though he differed from the mover on the fubject of the Union. After a frequent and clofe deliberation, he was convinced of the wifdom and policy of the general measure, and thought it highly honorable to the projectors. The chief blemishes, he thought, were to be found in the confined mode of election for fome of the boroughs; but these were specks in a brilliant fun. |