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empire in the world. He wished to withdraw the higher orders of his countrymen from the narrow and corrupted fphere of Irish politics, and to direct their attention to objects of national importance, to teach them to improve the natural energies and extend the refources of their country, to encourage the fkill and ingenuity of manufacturers, open ufeful channels for commercial enterprise, and, above all, ferioufly to exert their beft endeavours. to tame and civilife the lower orders of the people, to inculcate in their minds habits of religion and morality, and industry, and due fubordination, to relieve their wants, and correct their exceffes. Unless they would civilife their people, it was vain to look for national tranquillity or contentment.

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To the objection, that the measure of union was unfeasonable, he replied, they were not to await the period of actual bankruptcy, or the iffue of a new "but traces of defolation and figns of the renewal of these horrors. With the deepest grief he "faw fuch things, and spoke of them. Happy would he be, if he could go to his bed-chamber "without going as to an armoury, and could close his eyes without apprehenfions of having his "throat cut before morning, or feeing his wife and children butchered before him. He fhould "be inexpreffibly happy when he could once more walk out unarmed; for it was a curious fact, "that, when he was in Ireland, his fervant brought him his arms as regularly as he brought him "his hat. To think of repreffing this fpirit by coaxing, conceffions, and indulgence, was abfurd! "Acts of that kind, though well meant, had already had a mischievous tendency. The rebels had a fyftem of laws the most severe, and the most promptly executed. This was far more efficient "than the civil code, and could only be met and counteracted by martial law. If this bill were "not renewed, fcenes would be exhibited in Ireland, to which there had been nothing resembling "fince the year 1641. It was eafy for those at a distance from the spot to talk of humanity, and to rail against measures of vigor. Let noble lords who opposed that bill take a journey to Ire"land. He engaged to give any fix of them a villa, and a small farm each, if they would confent "to refide in it. After they had tasted for a twelvemonth the fweets of an Irish life, let them come over (if they furvived) and declaim in favor of the rights of the Irish. The noble lord "concluded by adverting to the report that he was an advocate of torture. The foundation for "that report, he faid, he recollected well, and fhould state to the house. A blacksmith had been "apprehended, who, there was the greateft reafon to believe, had been engaged in framing pike"heads. After various means being tried, in vain, to force him to confefs where he had concealed "them, he was placed upon the piquet. There he had not remained half a minute, when he told "where about 500 might be found, and there they were found accordingly. In answer to what "had fallen from a noble lord oppofite (Earl Moira), he had said it should be maturely confidered, "whether society would suffer moft from the murder of two or three hundred loyal and well-dif"pofed men, which was probably thus prevented, or from a rebel blacksmith being placed half a minute on the piquet. What he had faid then, he now repeated; and if there were any who, "regardless of the two or three hundred loyal and well-disposed inhabitants, pitied only the rebel blacksmith, he did not envy them their feelings."

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rebellion, that Great Britain might be enabled to dictate the terms on which Ireland fhould liften to the propofition? That was a period of all others the moft aufpicious for Ireland to set on foot fuch a treaty. The late rebellion had been fo far put down, that she was enabled to treat on fair and equal

terms.

The evil of emigration could never be greater than at that day. If they were to live in a perpetual storm there; if it were to remain at the difcretion of every adventurer, of feeble and oftentatious talents, ungoverned by a particle of judgment or difcretion, to drefs up fictitious grievances for popular delufion, and let loofe a favage and barbarous people upon the property and respect of the Irish nation, what gentleman, who had the means of living out of that country, would be induced to remain in it? His lordship moft folemnly declared, that no earthly confideration fhort of a strong sense of duty fhould have induced him to remain an eye-witness of the scenes of folly and madness, and horrors of every defcription, in which he had lived for fome years past; and that he would rather give up every prospect which remained to him in that country, and begin a new course in his old age, than fubmit to the fame mifery and difguft for the remnant of his life.

When it was firft known, that Great Britain was ready to receive her fifter kingdom into the communion of her liberty, wealth, industry and happiness, the offer was treated, by fome who called themselves friends of liberty and the Irish conftitution, with a degree of intemperance, which refembled the fury of wild beafts alarmed at an attack upon their prey. The flame of discontent spread with rapidity; and appeals of the moft virulent and inflammatory tendency were made by thefe friends of liberty to the deluded barbarians, who had been fo recently configned by them to indiscriminate extirpation. When the measure was propofed, the friends of liberty would not fuffer it to be difcuffed; and when it was relinquished for a time, they endeavoured to force the premature difcuffion of it, in the hope of precluding a fair investigation of its merits. Perfons of high rank had not fcrupled to propagate fedition during the recefs of parliament, and to canvas popular clamor against the meafure, by the moft fhameless impofitions on the ignorance and credulity of every man, who would liften to them. His lordship then animadverted on the affumption of a confular authority by two peers and a commoner, who iffued "a letter millive" through the realm, promoting strong petitions against the Union. He made a very fevere ad

drefs

drefs to the young Earl of Charlemont, and called upon him publicly to difavow all knowlege of the existence of such a fund, or, if he could not difavow it, to ftate explicitly any honeft purpose, to which it could be applied. He proposed to that grave affembly an entire and perfect union of the kingdom of Ireland with Great Britain, which, if he lived to fee completed, to his latest hour he should feel an honorable pride in reflecting on the share he might have had in contributing to effect it.*

The Earl of Charlemont denied that he had opposed the Union by bribery, but allowed that he had endeavoured to procure petitions to counteract those addreffes, which were promoted by all the influence of government. He thought it his duty to purfue all conftitutional means for the defeat of a project, which appeared to him to be full of detriment and injury to Ireland, and of danger to the British empire.

The Marquis of Downfhire rofe to repel the chancellor's accufation, and ftate his objections to the union. He had heard of an anti-union subscription; but he did not believe the information. If fuch a fund exifted, he could honeftly affert, that he had never fubfcribed to it, and had not even been defired to contribute to it.

He differed from the noble lord in many points. He confidered the rebellion to have been principally occafioned by the inconfiftent conduct of the government. At one time he had been requested, as a friend to that government, to sign a strong declaration in fupport of the Proteftant afcendancy; but, if he could have forefeen the confequences, he would fooner have fuffered an amputation of the hand that figned it, than have put his name to it; not but that he was a true and zealous Proteftant, and a fincere friend to the established church of Ireland. A few months afterwards, he had been called upon by the fame government to vote for the emancipation of the Catholics, to which, though he were not of an intolerant difpofition, he could not accede. This contradictory policy must have had a tendency to irritate the public mind, and feemed to have led to thofe

* Notwithstanding this declaration, it is reported, that this noble lord felt so fenfibly, after the Union, the lofs of his own power and confequence, of which he was inordinately fond, that it preyed upon his fpirits, and contributed to haften his diffolution; and he is faid to have avowed in his laft illness, that of all the political actions of his life he most repented of his exertions to bring about the Union. His ambition aspired to rule the British councils, as he had fo long directed thofe of Ireland.

There he failed.

evils which now, in fubferviency to the minifterial project, were afcribed to

other causes.

The noble marquis felt inexpreffible uneafinefs at being branded as a factious man, after he had facrificed his youth, his health, and his fortune, in the support of the king and the government of Ireland. Was it just or candid to impute feditious views to one who had purfued an oppofite course, and who had ftudiously cherished the foundest principles of loyalty. In putting his fignature to the letter missive he had acted as an independent gentleman of Ireland, as a man of large poffeffions, acquainted with the state of the country, and deeply interested in its welfare. As it had been confidently afferted, that the Unionifts had a greater extent of property than their opponents, it was incumbent on those, who had a better knowlege of the opinion of the public to call for a conftitutional declaration of fentiment, not from the dregs of the people, but from the more refpectable part of the community, that the minister and his friends might be convinced of their

error.

Lord Glentworth declared his firm conviction that an union alone could quiet the country and fecure the empire. In the present state of Ireland, there was no medium between clofe union and total feparation. He mingled with his arguments fevere ftrictures upon the triumvirate, and afferted the notoriety of the existence of the treasury mentioned by the chancellor.

Viscount Dillon was apprehensive that difloyalty would not be checked by the Union, and that it would not promote the fecurity of the country. Lord Donoghmore reafoned chiefly on the subject of the Catholic claims, which, he thought, might be more fafely and effectually adjusted after a confolidation of the legislatures. Viscount Powerfcourt denied the competency of the parliament to adopt the measure. Viscount Carleton not only defended that point, but fupported the particular provisions of the plan; and the Archbishop of Cafhel alfo argued in favor of the competency. The Earl of Farnham objected to the inconvenient distance of the united parliament from Ireland, and dreaded the provincial fubjection of that country to Britain. The Earl of Glendore was an advocate for the Union, as were the Chief Justice Kilwarden, and Lord Sunderlin; the Earl of Bellamont strongly declaimed against it. The first refolution paffed the house by a majority of 49, the numbers being 75 for and 26 against it.

On the 24th of February, it was refolved in the lords, that the house should VOL. II.

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be put into a committee again to take the faid meffage into further confideration on Monday the 11th of March, and the lords to be fummoned.*

The general principles of the Union having been amply difcuffed in both houses, it was moved, on the 14th of February in the commons, that a general committee should proceed to the confideration of the particular terms of the Union, when Colonel Vereker congratulated the houfe on what he termed the defeat of the miniftry, in obtaining fuch a paltry majority at the laft meeting, and hoped either that the project would be abandoned, or that ample time would be allowed for afcertaining the fenfe of the people on the fubject.

A warm debate enfued, in which the honorable George Knox obferved, that though an Union might not be an innovation upon words or names, it would be an innovation upon the spirit and fubftance of the conftitution. If the parliament should be removed to Madras, it might be faid that the Irish would retain their former conftitution; but he deemed it an essential part of the fyftem, that there fhould be a free, conftant, and immediate communication between the legislature and the nation for which it acted. Many gentlemen spoke to the question, and most of them for delay. Mr. Goold entered at large into the whole fubject. He faid, that the records of the whole world did not exhibit a scene fo fingular as that of a minister defiring a parliament to extinguith itself on account of its crimes or its legislative impotency.

A motion for adjournment having been made, with a view to the production of additional documents requifite for the accurate comprehenfion of fome of the detailed articles, 89 members voted for it, and 126 against it: it was then moved, that the debate should be adjourned to the 17th, which the fecretary, though he negatived the motion by a majority of 47, aflented fhould take place.

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