democrat from the very commencement, dience to the orders of the Government that is, from the commencement of the which held them in fetters, suffered one French revolution. In his narrative of or two signal defeats in the committee, his own life, Tone has given so clear an account of the dissensions which broke up the Catholic Committee, the circumstances which led to his own alliance with the Catholic body, and the first formation of the clubs of "United Irishmen," that it may here be presented in his own words, in a slightly abridged form :

owing principally to the talents and address of John Keogh; the parties began to be defined, and a sturdy democracy of new men, with bolder views and stronger talents, soon superseded the timid counsels and slavish measures of the ancient aristocracy. Everything seemed tending to a better order of things among the Catholics, and an occasion soon offered to call the energy of their new leaders into action.

"The General Committee of the Catholics, which, since the year 1792, has made a distinguished feature in the politics of Ireland, was a body composed of their "The Dissenters of the North, and bishops, their country gentlemen, and of a more especially of the town of Belfast, certain number of merchants and traders, are from the genius of their religion and all resident in Dublin, but named by the from the superior diffusion of political Catholics in the different towns corporate information among them, sincere and ento represent them. The original object of lightened Republicans. They had ever this institution was to obtain the repeal of been foremost in the pursuit of parliaa partial and oppressive tax called quar- mentary reform, and I have already menterage, which was levied on the Catholics tioned the early wisdom and virtue of the only, and the Government, which found town of Belfast, in proposing the emancithe committee at first a convenient instru-pation of the Catholics so far back as the ment on some occasions, connived at its year 1783. existence. So degraded was the Catholic "The Catholics, on their part, were mind at the period of the formation of rapidly advancing in political spirit and their committee, about 1770, and long information. Every month, every day, as after, that they were happy to be allowed the revolution in France went prosperto go up to the Castle with an abominable ously forward, added to their courage and slavish address to each successive viceroy,' their force, and the hour seemed at last of which, moreover, until the accession of arrived when, after a dreary oppression the Duke of Portland, in 1782, so little of about one hundred years, they were notice was taken that his grace was the once more to appear on the political first who condescended to give them an theatre of their country. They saw the answer, and, indeed, for above twenty brilliant prospect of success which events years, the sole business of the General in France opened to their view, and they Committee was to prepare and deliver in determined to avail themselves with those records of their depression. The promptitude of that opportunity, which effort which an honest indignation had never returns to those who omit it. For called forth at the time of the Volunteer this, the active members of the General Convention, in 1783, seemed to have ex-Committee resolved to set on foot an imhausted their strength, and they sunk mediate application to Parliament, prayback into their primitive nullity. Under ing for a repeal of the penal laws. The this appearance of apathy, however, a new first difficulty they had to surmount arose spirit was gradually arising in the body, in their own body; their peers, their owing, principally, to the exertions and gentry (as they affected to call themthe example of one man, John Keogh, to selves), and their prelates, either seduced whose services his country, and more or intimidated by Government, gave the especially the Catholics, are singularly measure all possible opposition; and, at indebted. In fact, the downfall of feudal length. after a long contest, in which both tyranny was acted in little on the theatre parties strained every nerve, and produced of the General Committee. The influence the whole of their strength, the question of their clergy and of their barons was was decided on a division in the commitgradually undermined, and the third tee, by a majority of at least six to one, estate, the commercial interest, rising in in favour of the intended application. wealth and power, was preparing, by de- The triumph of the young democracy was grees, to throw off the yoke, in the im- complete; but though the aristocracy posing, or, at least, the continuing of was defeated, it was not yet entirely which the leaders of the body, I mean broken down. By the instigation of Gothe prelates and aristocracy, to their dis-vernment they had the meanness to secede grace be it spoken, were ready to concur. from the General Committee, to disavow Already had those leaders, acting in obe- their acts, and even to publish in the

papers that they did not wish to embarrass the Government by advancing their claims of emancipation. It is difficult to conceive such a degree of political degradation; but what will not the tyranny of an execrable system produce in time? Sixty-eight gentlemen, individually of high spirit, were found, who publicly, and in a body, deserted their party and their own just claims, and even sanctioned this pitiful desertion by the authority of their signatures. Such an effect had the operation of the penal laws on the minds of the Catholics of Ireland, as proud a race as any in all Europe!

*

"The first attempts of the Catholic Committee failed totally; endeavouring to accommodate all parties, they framed a petition so humble that it ventured to ask for nothing, and even this petition they could not find a single member of the legislature to present; of so little consequence, in the year 1790, was the great mass of the Irish people! Not disheartened, however, by this defeat, they went on, and in the interval between that and the approaching session, they were preparing measures for a second application. In order to add a greater weight and consequence to their intended petition, they brought over to Ireland Richard Burke, only son of the celebrated Edmund, and appointed him their agent to conduct their application to Parliament. This young man came over with considerable advantages, and especially with the éclat of his father's name, who, the Catholics concluded, and very reasonably, would for his sake, if not for theirs, assist his son with his advice and directions. But their expectations in the event proved abortive. Richard Burke, with a considerable portion of talent from nature, and cultivated, as may be well supposed, with the utmost care by his father, who

idolized him, was utterly deficient in judgment, in temper, and especially in the art of managing parties. In three or four months' time, during which he remained in Ireland, he contrived to embroil himself, and in a certain degree the committee, with all parties in Parliament, the opposition as well as the Government, and ended his short and turbulent career by breaking with the General Committee. That body, however, treated him respectfully to the last, and, on his departure, they sent a deputation to thank him for his exertions, and presented him with the sum of two thousand guineas.

"It was pretty much about this time that my connection with the Catholic body commenced in the manner which I am about to relate.

"Russell* had, on his arrival to join his regiment at Belfast, found the people so much to his taste, and in return had rendered himself so agreeable to them, that he was speedily admitted into their confidence, and became a member of several of their clubs. This was an unusual circumstance, as British officers, it may well be supposed, were no great favourites. with the republicans of Belfast. The Catholic question was at this period beginning to attract the public notice, and the Belfast Volunteers, on some public occasion, I know not precisely what, wished to come forward with a declaration in its favour. For this purpose Russell, who by this time was entirely in their confidence, wrote to me to draw up and transmit to him such a declaration as I thought proper, which I accordingly did. A meeting of the corps was held in consequence, but an opposition unexpectedly arising to that part of the declarations which alluded directly to the Catholic claims, that passage was, for the sake of unanimity, withdrawn for the present, and the declarations then passed unaniMr. Tone's account of the secession of the sixty-mously. Russell wrote me an account of eight members from the General Committee is not all this, and it immediately set me to sufliciently explanatory. Mr. Plowden, an excellent thinking more seriously than I had yet anthority on this point, says that it was caused chiefly by dissatisfaction on account of "public acts done upon the state of Ireland. I soon. of Communication of Protestants in the North with formed my theory, and on that theory I France." In particular, the people of Belfast had have unvaryingly acted ever since.

"

66

sent an address of warm congratulation to the To subvert the tyranny of our exesociety of Friends of the Constitution' at Bordeaux, and had received an eloquent reply. Com-crable Government, to break the connecmunications of this kind, says Plowden, gave par- tion with England, the never-failing source ticular offence to Government, who manifested great of all our political evils, and to assert the jealousy and diffidence towards all persons concerned in them." It was to express their horror of coindependence of my country-these were operating in any degree with such men and mea- my objects. To unite the whole people of sures, that the men of landed property and the Ireland, to abolish the memory of all past prelates seceded. The seceders shortly after pre- dissensions, and to substitute the common sented to the lord-lieutenant a petition or address, which went no farther than a general expression of name of Irishman in place of the denomisubmissiveness and respect to Government, "throw-nations of Protestant, Catholic, and Dising themselves and their body on their humanity and wisdom." This was called tauntingly the "Eleemosynary Address"

Thomas Russell, Tone's most intimate friend and comrade.

senter-these were my means. To effec- that many of the Dissenters were contuate these great objects, I reviewed the verted by my arguments. It is like vanity three great sects. The Protestants I to speak of my own performances so despaired of from the outset, for obvious much, and the fact is, I believe that I am reasons. Already in possession, by an somewhat vain on that topic; but as it unjust monoply, of the whole power and was the immediate cause of my being patronage of the country, it was not to be made known to the Catholic body, I may supposed they would ever concur in mea- be perhaps excused for dwelling on a cirsures, the certain tendency of which must cumstance which I must ever look upon, be to lessen their influence as a party, for that reason, as one of the most fortuhow much soever the nation might gain. nate of my life. As my pamphlet spread To the Catholics I thought it unnecessary more and more, my acquaintance amongst to address myself, because as no change the Catholics extended accordingly. My could make their political situation worse, first friend in the body was John Keogh, I reckoned upon their support to a cer- and through him I became acquainted tainty; besides, they had already begun with all the leaders, as Richard M'Corto manifest a strong sense of their wrongs mick, John Sweetman, Edward Byrne, and oppressions; and finally, I well knew Thomas Braughall, in short, the whole that, however it might be disguised or sub-committee, and most of the active suppressed, there existed in the breast of members of the General Committee. It every Irish Catholic an inextirpable abhor- was a kind of fashion this winter (1791) rence of the English name and power. among the Catholics to give splendid dinThere remained only the Dissenters, whom ners to their political friends in and out I knew to be patriotic and enlightened: of Parliament, and I was always a guest however, the recent events at Belfast had of course. I was invited to a grand dinshowed me that all prejudice was not yet ner given to Richard Burke on his leaving entirely removed from their minds. I sat Dublin, together with William Todd Jones, down accordingly and wrote a pamphlet, who had distinguished himself by a most addressed to the Dissenters, and which I excellent pamphlet in favour of the Caentitled, "An Argument on behalf of the tholic cause, as well as to several enterCatholics of Ireland," the object of which tainments given by clubs and associations. was to convince them, that they and the I was invited to spend a few days in BelCatholics had but one common interest, fast, in order to assist in framing the first and one common enemy; that the depres- club of United Irishmen, and to cultivate sion and slavery of Ireland was produced a personal acquaintance with those men and perpetuated by the divisions existing whom, though I highly esteemed, I knew between them, and that, consequently, to as yet but by reputation. In consequence, assert the independence of their country about the beginning of October, I went and their own individual liberties, it was down with my friend Russell, who had by necessary to forget all former feuds, to this time quit the army, and was in Dubconsolidate the entire strength of the lin on his private affairs. That journey whole nation, and to form for the future was by far the most agreeable and intebut one people. These principles I sup- resting one I had ever made; my recepported by the best arguments which sug- tion was of the most flattering kind, and gested themselves to me, and particularly I found the men of the most distinguished by demonstrating that the cause of the public virtue in the nation, the most estifailure of all former efforts, and more mable in all the domestic relations of life. especially of the Volunteer Convention I had the good fortune to render myself in 1783, was the unjust neglect of the agreeable to them, and a friendship was claims of their Catholic brethren. This then formed between us which I think it pamphlet, which appeared in September, will not be easy to shake. It is a kind of 1791, under the signature of a "Northern injustice to name individuals, yet I canWhig," had a considerable degree of suc- not refuse myself the pleasure of observcess. The Catholics (with not one of whom ing how peculiarly fortunate I esteem I was at the time acquainted) were pleased myself in having formed connections with with the efforts of a volunteer in their Samuel Neilson, Robert Simms, William cause, and distributed it in all quarters. Simms, William Sinclair, Thomas M'Cabe. The people of Belfast, of whom I had I may as well stop here, for, in enumeratspoken with the respect and admiration I ing my most particular friends, I find I sincerely felt for them, and to whom I am, in fact, making out a list of the men was also perfectly unknown, printed a of Belfast most distinguished for their very large edition, which they dispersed virtue, talent, and patriotism. To prothrough the whole North of Ireland, and ceed. We formed our club, of which I I have the great satisfaction to believe wrote the declaration, and certainly the

On the 30th of December, 1791, the United Irishmen of Dublin held a special session, at which they approved of a circular letter which was calculated to encourage similar societies, and to it they annexed a declaration of their political sentiments, and the test which they had taken as a social and sacred compact to bind them more closely together. They also in their publications animadverted severely upon the sixty-four addressers. The general disposition to republicanisin which appeared in the publications and whole conduct of these new societies, became daily more and more obnoxious to Government; they were chiefly composed of Dissenters, yet several leading men amongst them were Protestants of the established church. It was believed, and constantly preached up by the Castle, that this new, violent, and affectionate attachment of the Dissenters for their Roman Catholic brethren, proceeded not from any sentiment of liberality or toleration, but purely to engage the co-operation of the great mass of the people the more warmly in forwarding the several popular questions lately brought before Parliament.

formation of that club commenced a new Wolfe Tone was shortly after, on the epoch in the politics of Ireland. At recommendation of John Keogh, aplength, after a stay of about three weeks, pointed secretary to the "General Comwhich I look back upon as perhaps the mittee" of the Catholics, and long_lapleasantest in my life, Russell and I re-boured zealously in their service. But turned to Dublin with instructions to cul- he was not content with mere Catholic tivate the leaders in the popular interest, agitation. He and his friends continued being Protestants, and, if possible, to form with unabated zeal in the organisation of m the capital a club of United Irishmen. the United Irish Society, which he hoped Neither Russell nor myself was known to to see swallow up all others. one of those leaders; however, we soon contrived to get acquainted with James Napper Tandy, who was the principal of them, and through him with several others, so that in a little time we succeeded, and a club was accordingly formed, of which the Honourable Simon Butler was the first chairman, and Tandy the first secretary. The club adopted the declaration of their brethren of Belfast, with whom they immediately opened a correspondence. It is but justice to an honest man who has been persecuted for his firm adherence to his principles, to observe here, that Tandy, in coming forward on this occasion, well knew that he was putting to the most extreme hazard his popularity among the corporations of the city of Dublin, with whom he had enjoyed the most unbounded influence for near twenty years; and, in fact, in the event, his popularity was sacrificed. That did not prevent, however, his taking his part decidedly: he had the firmness to forego the gratification of his private feelings for the good of his country. The truth is, Tandy was a very sincere Republican, and it did not require much argument to show him the impossibility of attaining a republic by any means short of the united powers of the whole people; he therefore renounced the lesser objects for the greater, and gave up the certain influence which he possessed (and had well earned) in the city. for the contingency of that influence which he might have (and well deserves to have) in the nation. For my own part, I think it right to mention that, at this time, the establishment of a republic was not the immediate object of my speculations. My object was to secure the independence of my country under any form of government, to which I was led by a hatred of England, so deeply rooted in my nature, that it was rather an instinct than a principle. I left to others, better qualified for the inquiry, the investigation and merits of the different forms of government, and I contented myself with labouring on my own system, which was luckily in perfect coincidence as to its operation with that of those men who viewed the question on a broader and juster scale than I did at the time I mention."

The truth is, that the patrician "Patriots" of Parliament were quite shy of association with the members of the new societies. Some of them were alarmed about French principles of democracy, which could scarcely be expected to be agreeable to a privileged class; others thought that the United Irishmen and the existing Catholic Committee both consisted of low people, and they were possessed by that general aversion felt by members of Parliament against all extraparliamentary movements.

From that time shyness, jealousy, and distrust subsisted between those new societies and the Whig Club, though the agents and writers for Government attempted to identify their views, measures, and principles, as appears by the newspapers and other publications of that day. Tone, on his side, who had wholly given up Parliament as a thing not only useless, but noxious to the nation, felt the utmost resentment at the members of the opposition for any longer keeping up the de

lusion of parliamentary patriotism, and avowed that he respected more the Castle members themselves. "They want," said he, "at least one vice-hypocrisy."

which the General Committee was to be framed anew, in a manner that should render it impossible to bring it again in doubt whether that body were not the organ of the Catholic will. His plan was to associate to the Committee, as then constituted, two members from each county and great city, actual residents of the place which they represented, who were, however, only to be summoned upon extraordinary occasions, leaving the common routine of business to the original members, who, as I have already related, were all residents of Dublin. The Committee, as thus constituted, would consist of half town and half country members; and the elections for the latter he proposed should be held by means of primary and electoral assemblies, held, the first in each parish, the second in each county and great town. He likewise proposed that the town members should be held to correspond regularly with their country associates, these with their immediate electors, and these again with the primary assemblies. A more simple, and at the same time more comprehensive, organisation could not be devised. By this means the General Committee became the centre of a circle embracing the whole nation, and pushing its rays instantaneously to the remotest parts of the circumference. The plan was laid in writing before the General Committee by Myles Keon, and, after mature discussion, the first part, relating to the association and election of the country members, was adopted with some slight variation; the latter part, relating to the constant communication

The Catholic General Committee had new life infused into it through the energy of Keogh and the labours of Wolfe Tone. "There seems," says Tone in his sanguine way, "from this time out, a special Providence to have watched over the affairs of Ireland, and to have turned to her profit and advantage the deepest laid and most artful schemes of her enemies. Every measure adopted, and skilfully adopted, to thwart the expectations of the Catholics, and to crush the rising spirit of union between them and the Dissenters, has, without exception, only tended to confirm and fortify both, and the fact I am about to mention, for one, is a striking proof of the truth of this assertion. The principal charge in the general outcry raised in the House of Commons against the General Committee was that they were a self-appointed body, not nominated by the Catholics of the nation, and consequently not authorised to speak on their behalf. This argument, which in fact was the truth, was triumphantly dwelt upon by the enemies of the Catholics; but, in the end, it would have perhaps been more fortunate for their wishes if they had not laid such a stress upon this circumstance, and drawn the line of separation so strongly between the General Committee and the body at large. For the Catholics throughout Ireland, who had hitherto been indolent spectators of the business, seeing their brethren of Dublin, and especially the General Com-with the mass of the people, was thought, mittee, insulted and abused for their exertions in pursuit of that liberty which, if attained, must be a common blessing to all, came forward as one man from every quarter of the nation with addresses and resolutions, adopting the measures of the General Committee as their own, declaring that body the only organ competent to speak for the Catholics of Ireland, and condemning, in terms of the most marked disapprobation and contempt, the conduct of the sixty-eight apostates, who were so triumphantly held up by the hirelings of Government as the respectable part of the Catholic community. The question was now fairly decided. The aristocracy shrunk back in disgrace and obscurity, leaving the field open to the democracy, and that body neither wanted talents nor spirit to profit by the advantages of their present situation.

"It is to the sagacity of Myles Keon, of Keonbrook, County Leitrim, that his country is indebted for the system on

under the circumstances, to be too hardy, and was accordingly dropped sub silentio."

This was a project for a regular convention of delegates, which was then a measure perfectly legal, as indeed it still is in England.

On the proposal for this convention, there was immediate alarm and almost frantic rage on the part of the Ascendency: for the Catholics were by this time over three millions; and the representatives of such a mass of people meeting in Dublin, and backed by the active sympathies of the fast-growing United Irish Society, were likely to be perilous to the Government at a moment of such high political excitement. Grand juries and town corporations passed violent resolutions against it, and pledged themselves to resist and suppress it. But the committee had taken counsel's opinion, and felt quite secure on the legal ground. Some of the further procceedings may most fly be given in the words of Wolfe Tone's own narrative, with which