Mr. Le Hunte said that he thought the bill proposed would eventually make Papists proprietors of great part of the The Earl of Hartford was appointed lordlanded interest of the kingdom, which lieutenant, and opened the session in 1765. would certainly extend their influence, In December of that year died at Rome, at and that it was dangerous trusting an advanced age, the person variously to the use they would make of it, termed King James III., the Pretender, upon a supposition that their interests the "King over the water." would get the better of their prin- borne his misfortunes with great fortitude ciples. That the act mentioned to have and equanimity; and sometimes went to passed the last session, did not pass with- pass the carnival at Venice. His death at out a division, there being a majority of last made no impression in Ireland, &aci

The

into the pension list, and into improper When the bill was sent to England, the and corrupt appointments to the judicial Privy Council there inserted into it a bench. The Patriots tried another plan dispensing power in favour of the crown: -an address to the lord-lieutenant, setting the king might by his simple order in forth the miserable condition of the king- in council permit the exportation of grain dom, asking for an account of the pro- or flour, any thing in the act contained ceedings of the Privy Council which had to the contrary notwithstanding. cushioned their Bill for better securing the Patriots vainly resisted this alteration: Freedom of Parliament, and asking for a they alleged that even under the restricreturn of the patents granted in reversion, tions of Poyning's Law, the king had etc. But the Court party moved, and only power of assent or dissent; not a carried, that in lieu of the words "the power of alteration, which from its nature sense of their miserable condition," they imports a deliberate power that could not should insert the words: "their happy con-exist save in the Lords and Commons of dition under his majesty's auspicions governAll resistance, however, was unavailing, and the bill was passed as altered.

ment."

Ireland.

Lord Hartford had not on this occasion asserted the prerogative and served the English interests so zealously as had been expected of him. Therefore he was recalled; and after a short interregnum under lords justices (for the last time), Lord Townshend was sent to Ireland, in October, 1767.

Still, ever since the death of Stone and the Earl of Shannon, the party of independence was making some progress in Parliament. Lucas worked hard, and was well sustained by his constituents in Dublin. He made many converts to his Septennial Bill amongst the country gentlemen, and to purchase back some of these converts put the Government to considerable expense-which, it is true, This nobleman was selected to introduce they found means to charge to the people. a very important change in the system of A new bill was transmitted, through Lord governing Ireland. In order to attempt Hartford, for limiting the duration of the arduous task of supplanting the deepParliaments, and again it was stopped by rooted influence of the Irish oligarchy, it the English Privy Council. Another bill was requisite that the lord-lieutenant, was introduced this session "to prevent to whom that power was to be transthe buying and selling of offices which ferred, should be endowed with those concern the administration of justice, or qualities that were most likely to the collection of His Majesty's revenue;" ingratiate him with the Irish nation. but it was voted down in the Commons The new lord-lieutenant excelled all and never even went to England. his predecessors in that convivial ease, In the meantime the national debt was pleasantry, and humour, so highly prized steadily increasing. by the Irish of every description. The In the year 1765 the revenue of Ireland, majority which had been so dearly bought although considerably increased upon the in the Commons, by those who had herewhole receipt, still fell so far short of the tofore had the management of the English expenses of Government, that £100,000 interest, was now found not altogether so was directed to be raised at four per cent., tractable as it had heretofore been. There and the principal due upon the different were three or four grandees who had such loans was ordered to be consolidated into an influence in the House of Commons one sum, making in the whole £596,000 that their coalition would, at any time, at five per cent. which remained due at give them a clear majority upon any quesLady-day. The debt of the nation then tion. To gain these had been the chief amounted to £508,874 5s. 94d. There anxiety of former governors: they were was this year a great scarcity of grain, sure to bring over a proportionate number as likewise a general failure of potatoes, of dependants, and it had been the unwhich was severely felt by the lower guarded maxim to permit subordinate ranks. The legislature found it neces- graces and favours to flow from or through sary to interpose: they passed an act to the hands of these leaders. Formerly stop the distilleries for a certain time these principals used to stipulate with (which consequently produced a decrease each new lord-lieutenant, whose office in the Excise), and also an act to prevent was biennial and residence but for six the exportation of corn; in both of which months, upon what terms they would acts it is recited, that it was apprehended carry the king's business through the there was not sufficient corn in the king-House: so that they might not improperly dom for the food of the inhabitants until be called undertakers. They provided, the harvest. that the disposal of all Court favours *Phil. Surv.. p. 57

On this last act a new controversy arose.

whether places, pensions, or preferments, should first be popular, and then powershould pass through their hands, in order ful, before he could be efficient and sucto keep their suite in an absolute state of cessful. His lordship, therefore, to those dependence upon themselves. All applica- convivial fascinations to which Irish tions were made by the leader, who society was so sensible, superadded as claimed as a right the privilege of gratify-many personal favours, as the fiscal stores ing his friends in proportion to their could even promise to answer, which in a numbers. Whenever such demands were people of quick and warm sensibility not complied with, then were the measures creates a something very like momentary of Government sure to be crossed and gratitude; and in order the more comobstructed; and the session of Parliament pletely to seat himself in that effective became a constant struggle for power power, which was requisite for his purbetween the heads of parties, who used to pose, he judiciously fixed upon a favourite force themselves into the office of lord object of the wishes and attempts of the justice according to the prevalence of their Patriots to sanction with his countenance interest. This evil had been seen and and support. lamented by Lord Chesterfield, and his resolution and preparatory steps for undermining it probably contributed not a little to his immediate recall, upon the cessation of the danger, which his wisdom was thought alone competent to avert.

This was the system of which Lord Clare said, "The Government of England at length opened their eyes to the defects and dangers of: they shook the power of the aristocracy, but were unable to break it down."

This was the long-wished-for Septennial Bill.

Dr. Lucas had several times failed in his endeavours to procure a bill for limiting the duration of Parliament. Now, however, a Septennial Bill was transmitted, and was returned with an alteration in point of time, having been changed into an Octennial one. There appears to have been some unfair manoeuvring in the British cabinet, in order by a side wind to deprive the Irish of that, which they The primary object of Lord Towns dared not openly refuse them. At the same hend's administration was to break up the time a transmission was made of another monopolizing system of this oligarchy. popular bill for the independence of the He in part succeeded, but by means judges, in which they had also inserted ruinous to the country. The subalterns some alteration. It was expected that were not to be detached from their chiefs, the violent tenaciousness of the Irish but by similar though more powerful Commons for the privilege of not having means than those by which they had en- their heads of bills altered by the English listed under their banner. The streams ministers, would have induced them to of favour became not only multiplied, reject any bill, into which such an alterabut enlarged. Every individual now tion had been introduced. In this the looked up directly to the fountain head, English cabinet was deceived: the Irish and claimed and received more copious Commons waived the objecton as to the draughts. Thus, under colour of destroy-limitation bill, in order to make sure at ing an overgrown aristocratic power, all parliamentary independence was completely destroyed by Government. The innovation naturally provoked the deserted few to resentment. They took refuge under the shelter of patriotism, and they inveighed with less effect against the venality of the system, merely because it had taken a new direction, and was somewhat enlarged. The bulk of the nation, and some, though very few, of their representatives in Parliainent, were earnest, firm, and implacable against it.

The arduous task which Lord Townshend had assumed was not to be effected by a coup de main: forces so engaged, so marshalled, and so commanding rather than commanded, as he found the Irish Parliament, were not to be dislodged by a sudden charge: regular, gradual, and cautious approaches were to be made it was requisite that the chief governor

G

last of what they had so long tried in vain to procure, but objected on this very account to the judges bill, which was transmitted at the same time with alterations: for although this latter bill had been particularly recommended in the speech of the lord-lieutenant, it was on account of an alteration inserted in it in England, unanimously rejected.

No sooner was the Octennial Bill returned, than the Commons voted a respectful and grateful address to the throne, beseeching his majesty to accept their unfeigned and grateful acknowledgments for the condescension so signally manifested to his subjects of that kingdom, in returning the bill for limiting the duration of Parliaments, which they considered not only as a gracious mark of paternal benevolence, but as a wise result of royal deliberation. And when the royal assent had been given, the action

was so grateful to the people, that they took the horses from the viceroy's coach, and drew him from the parliament house with the most enthusiastic raptures of applause and exultation. But his lordship's popularity did not last long. By diverting the channel of favour, or rather by dividing it into a multitude of little streams, the gentlemen of the House of Commons were taught to look up to him, not only as the source, but as the dispenser of every gratification. Not even a commission in the revenue, worth above £40 a year, could be disposed of, without his approbation. Thus were the old undertakers given to understand, that there was another way of doing business than through them. It was not, however, without much violence on both sides, that he at length effected his purpose. The immediate sufferers did not fail to call this alteration in the system of governing, an innovation, which they artfully taught the people to resent as a national grievance.

pounded and the spirit displayed in the debates."*

In short, no mere reforms in parlia-mentary elections or procedure could avail to create in this English colony either a national spirit or national proportions, or to stay the corruption and venality so carefully organized by English governors for the express purpose of keeping it down, so long as the colony did not associate with itself the multitu dinous masses of the Catholic peopleso long as half a million had to hold down and coerce over two millions of disarmed and disfranchised people, and at the sametime to contend with the insolence and rapacity of Great Britain. Nationality in Ireland was necessarily fated to bedelusive and evanescent.

"So long es Ireland did pretend.

Like sugar-loaf turned upside down, To stand upon its smaller end."t In the year 1767, the whole population of the island was estimated, or in part calculated, at 2,544,276, and of these less than half a million were Protestants of the two sects.

It will be seen that although the Patriots had now gained their famous measure, not indeed as a Septennial, but It must, however, be acknowledged at least as an Octennial Bill, which was that in this oppressive minority there to have been a panacea for all the evils of began to be developed a very strong the State; its effects were far from political vitality, chiefly owing to the answering their expectations. Extrava- strong personal interest which every one gance and corruption still grew and had in public affairs, and to the spread of spread under Lord Townshend's adminis- political information, through newspapers tration. Proprietors of boroughs found and pamphlets, and the very able speeches their property much enhanced in value, which now began to give the Irish Parliabecause there was a market for it every ment a just celebrity. Dr. Lucas coneight years. The reflections of Thomas ducted the Freeman's Journal, which was MeNevin on this subject are very just: established very soon after the accession -"Some doubts arose as to the benefits of George III. This journal was soon produced by this bill in the way designed followed by another called the Hibernian by its framers; but no one doubted that Journal. Flood, Hussey, Burgh, Yelverthe spirit discovered by the Patriot party ton, and above all, Grattan, contributed in the House produced effects at the time to these papers. In the administration of and somewhat later, which cannot be Lord Townshend appeared the Dublin overstated or overvalued. It may, indeed, Mercury, a satirical sheet avowedly patbe doubted whether any measure, how-ronized by Government. It was intended ever beneficial in itself, could in those to turn Patriots and Patriotism into days of venality and oppression, with a ridicule: but the Government had not constitution so full of blemishes, and a all the laughers on its side. spirit of intolerance influencing the best A witty warfare was carried on against and ablest men of the day, such as Lucas Lord Townshend in a collection of letters for example, could be productive of any on the affairs and history of Barataria, striking or permanent advantage. We by which was intended Ireland. The must not be astonished, then, that the letters of Posthumus and Pericles, and Octennial Bill was found incommen- the dedication, were written by Henry surate with the expectations of the Grattan, at the time of the publication Patriots, who might have looked for the a very young man. The principal papers, reasons of this and similar disappoint-and all the history of Barataria, ments in their own venality, intolerance. the latter being an account of Lord fickleness, and shortcomings, if they Townshend's administration, his protest, had chosen to reflect on themselves and and his prorogation, were the composition their motives. The real advantages are

to be found in the principles pro

* McNevin's History of the Volunteers,

† Moore. Memoir of Captain Rock.

of Sir Hercules Langrishe. Two of his witticisms are still remembered, as being, in fact, short essays on the politics of Ireland. Riding in the park with the lordlieutenant, his excellency complained of his predecessors having left it so damp and marshy; Sir Hercules observed, "they were too much engaged in draining the rest of the kingdom." Being asked where was the best and truest history of Ireland to be found? he answered: "In the continuation of Rapin."

CHAPTER XV.

1762-1767.

Reign of Terror in Munster.-Murder of Father Sechy.Toleration," under the House of Hanover-Precarious condition of Catholic Clergy; -Primates in hiding.-Working of the Penal Laws-Testimony of Arthur Young. CONTEMPORANEOUSLY with the Parliamentary struggles for the Octennial Act, and for arresting, if possible, the public extravagance and corruption, there was going on in an obscure parish of Tipperary, one of those dark transactions which were so common in Ireland during all this century as to excite no attention, and leave scarcely a record-the judicial marder of Father Nicholas Sheehy. His story is a true and striking epitome of the history of the Catholic nation in those days, and the notoriety of the facts at the time, and the character of the principal victim, have caused the full details to be handed down to us, minutely and with the clearest evidence.

The village of Clogheen lies in the valley between the Galtees and the range of Knockmaoldown, in Tipperary, near the borders of Waterford and of Cork counties. Its parish priest was the Reverend Nicholas Sheehy: he was of a good Irish family, and well educated, having, as usual at that period, gone to France-contrary to "law"-for the instruction denied him at home. On the Continent he had probably mingled much with the high-spirited Irish exiles, who made the name of Ireland famous in all the camps and courts of Europe, and on his perilous return (for that too was against the law), to engage in the labours of his still more perilous mission, his soul was stirred within him at the sight of the degradation and abject wretchedness of the once proud clans of the south. With a noble imprudence, which the moderate Dr. Curry terms "a quixotic cast of mind towards relieving all those within his district whom he fancied to be injured or oppressed," he spoke out against some of the enormities which he daily witnessed. In the neighbouring parish of Newcastle, where there were no Protestant parishioners, he had ventured to say that there should be no church-rates, and the people had refused to pay them. About the same time, the tithes of two Protestant clergymen in the vicinity of Ballyporeen, Messrs. Foulkes and Sutton, were farmed to a tithe-proctor of the name of Dobbyn. This proctor forthwith instituted a new claim upon the Catholic people of this district, of five shillings for every marriage celebrated by a priest.* This new impost was resisted by the people, and as it fell heavily on the parishioners of Mr. Sheehy, he denounced The bitter distresses of the people of it publicly; in fact he did not even conMunster, occasioned by rack-rents, by the ceal that he questioned altogether the merciless exactions of the established divine right of a clergy to the tenth part clergy and their tithe-proctors, and by of the produce of a half-starved people, of the inclosure of commons, had gone on whose souls they had no cure. How these increasing and growing more intense from doctrines were relished by the Cromthe year 1760, until despair and misery wellian magistrates and Anglican rectors drove the people into secret associations, in his neighbourhood, may well be conand in 1762, as we have seen, the White-ceived. It was not to be tolerated that boys had in some places broken out into the Catholic people should begin to supunconnected riots to pull down the fences pose that they had any rights. The legisthat inclosed their commons, or to resist lation of the Ascendency had strictly prothe collection of church-rates. These dis-vided that there should be no Catholic turbances were greatly exaggerated lawyers; it had also carefully prohibited in the reports made to Government by the education; nothing had been omitted to neighbouring Protestant proprietors, squires of the Cromwellian brood, who represented that wretched Jacquerie as nothing less than a Popish rebellion, in- *These details and a great mass of others bearing stigated by France, supported by French on the case of Mr. Sheehy, are given by Dr. Madden money, and designed to bring in the Pre-in his First Series (United Irishmen). He has carefully sifted the whole of the proceedings, and thrown much light upon them.

tender.

stifle within the hearts of the peasantry every sentiment of human dignity, and when they found that here was a man