Page images
PDF
EPUB

from admitting the Catholics into any participation of the

state.

"amongst the illustrious worthies, who have used their rank but as the instru"ment of public advantage, with the Hornes, the Egmonts, and the Nassaus, "or with your own Rockingham and Saville: it will be enquired with amaze"ment, why the benevolent friend of mankind should acquiesce in what then "may appear unjust privation; the disinterested patriot should countenance "what will seem not calculated to promote his country's interest: on this side "alone will malignity attempt to whisper misrepresentation; on this act "alone will fame be silent; or as she extends the annals of your life, an "example to future noblemen, on this page only will she drop a tear, and suffer "it, like the disavowed victories of Condé, to be torn from her record." This alluded to a figure of the great Condé at Chantilly: Fame is represented holding to view the history of his life; but the pages supposed to contain the account of those victories he gained against his country, are represented at his feet, torn from the book.

END OF THE THIRD VOLUME

Printed and Published by W. F. M'Laughlin, and Bartholomew Graves, Philadelphia.

APPENDIX.

No. LXX.

THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN MESSRS. FLOOD AND GRATTAN: FROM THE DEBATES IN THE IRISH HOUSE OF COMMONS, 2 VOL. P. 35 to 61, &c....P. 44.

MR. FLOOD.....I find myself little capable of speaking to this question, oppressed with sickness as I am; not in the least degree expecting such a question this night, and more astonished than ever I was in my life, to find the least symptom of opposition arising on the other side of the house. The opposition to it should originate here, for the resolution does not go as far as it ought to do. In Lord Townshend's admi.. nistration, a resolution was proposed, "that the condition of "this country required every practicable retrenchment to be "made in its expences;" and the administration of that day thought they had done enough, and allowed themselves latitude sufficient, by amending it with the words....consistent with the welfare thereof, and the honourable support of his majesty's government; though the resolution so amended, stood then exactly like the present motion. (Here the clerk, at Mr. Flood's desire, read the former resolution.) But I think this motion still allows too great an inlet to public profusion. Some men will think of their own welfare, when the welfare of the country is the object, and include their own support within the honourable support of his majesty's government; I did not, therefore, think any man on the side of administration would have opposed the motion; I rather supposed they would have called out in triumph to let it pass; they would have exulted to see "the new commons, the new country," Ireland, in its emanci pated and dignified state, tolerate the nonsense that was current in Lord Townshend's administration.

I am as willing as any man to pay compliment to ministry, both here and in England, to allow them every degree of credit for their honourable intentions; I have not the smallest ground of animosity or resentment to them, and when I hear economy recommended from the throne, almost in the words of the honourable baronet, I am astonished at an opposition to his motion. Indeed, I believe the words of that recommendation were by some accident misplaced, or that government has not digested the plan of retrenchment; they should not have followed immediately the mention of the Genevan colony, a body of virtuous men, who to avoid the most ignominious slavery, have sought an asylum in the arms of this country. It was not the proper place to use the word economy: it there disgraces the virtuous and generous act of men, who have just recovered their own liberty; by placing it there, we may lose a great deal of honour, but can save very little money. But it is not to such little things we are to look for relief; our retrenchments should reach establishments, and not like England plunge deeper each day in ruin. Ministry both here and in that kingdom, have been often warned of the fatal consequences that must follow, but these warnings have been treated as the visions of speculative men, England, that great and mighty country, now staggers under a load of debt, distressed and dismembered, her expences overwhelm her; and where is the man who will say, she shall be redeemed? Where is the man who will say, I will redeem her, and will say how? Though every little minister, or every little man who imagines he is a minister, is ready to undertake the management of her affairs: where is the man who will say, that Ireland ought to have a peace establishment of 15,000 men? When the augmentation took place in Lord Townshend's administration, this country was unable to beár it, and since that day we have been involving her deeper and deeper, because we at first engaged her in an undertaking beyond her strength. When all the world united against Britain, and she was surrounded with enemies on every side, we gave way to the feelings of our hearts and spared her 4000 men; and some time after in the moment de flagrante bello, we granted her more than half our remaining troops: if then in time of war the country could subsist without troops, will any man say, that in time of profound peace she ought to support 15000 men? No, now is the time for reducing your military establishment; let your intention be known this day, that the right honourable secretary may have time to communicate with England: if you neglect the present opportunity, no minister hereafter will have even a pretence for restoring the finances of this country.

I am no partisan either here or in England, I can gain nothing by it; I am ready in either place, like a man, to support mi

aisters while they are right; and whenever they are wrong, to oppose them, and resist their measures. At present I hope my honourable friend will allow me to alter his motion, and state a precise idea; I would have it run thus: "Resolved, That the "condition of this country requires every practicable retrench"ment, &c. and that the military establishment in its present "state, affords room for effectual retrenchment."

I love the army as a body of brave and worthy men, but I would not sacrifice the kingdom to their benefit. Now, Sir, if ministers really mean economy, they will agree with this amendment of mine; if not, they will amuse us with the words only.

Mr. George Ponsonby....Sir, I can see as plainly as any man the intent of the reflections thrown upon your predecessor in the chair; and I must say, as to the mover of this resolution, that no disapprobation of his gives me any but a pleasurable sensation, and I do at all times feel that supreme contempt for his disapprobation and opinion, which I now take the liberty todeclare. Mr. Ponsonby then entered into a defence of his fa ther's (the late speaker) conduct; he recited the history of that time. He said, that Mr. Flood had exerted himself to support his father's interest against Lord Townshend's attacks; and asked, why, when virtue in the shape of Lord Townshend had overturned interest, the alleged system of profusion had not been overturned also? He declared his firm reliance on the Duke of Portland and his friends, that they intended an effectual and satisfactory reform; and concluded, that if the honourable baronet thought the circle in which he sat was com posed of men grown old in iniquity, it would be but charitable for him to come amongst them, as only from his virtuous contact and indefatigable labours, they could hope to be brought into the road of righteousness.

Mr. Flood said, he had not supported Mr. Ponsonby's interest, but he had opposed Lord Townshend's administration: he said this to exculpate Mr. Ponsonby from the charge of in gratitude, for when he had felt the hand of power, Mr. Ponsonby had not supported him; but he never looked at such little things as the interest of particular men of parties: they appear ed great indeed to the men who were engaged in them, but in the eyes of the man who contemplates the public welfare, they vanish into nothing. Had I, said he, been his father's supporter, the honourable gentleman but ill requited me, when in his loudest tone, he cried out to have me dismissed, and seemed to reproach ministers with pusillanimity for delaying the sentence. He declared, indeed, that he had no personal dislike to me, but it was only to oblige one or two particular friends; yet the gentleman boasts of Whig principles, Whig connections;

Whig friends he may justly boast, but such conduct was a manifestation of Whig apostacy. God and Nature have establish❤ ed this limit to power, it cannot long subsist divested of rectitude. Do we mean to take up the words of retrenchment ourselves, or will we leave it to others to economize for us? If we proceed upon this business, the people will stand grateful and admiring spectators of our progress; if not, they may perhaps take it up themselves: let us then act honestly, let us tell Great Britain what no man can deny, that the military is the place to make retrenchment. I will suppose ministers as good as any man can wish, but 'tis our duty to give them opportunity of exercising their honest intentions.

Mr. Grattan....I shall not trouble you long, nor take up the time of the house, by apologizing for bodily infirmity, or the affectation of infirmity. I shall not speak of myself, or enter into a defence of my character, having never apostatized. I think it is not necessary for the house now to investigate what we know to be fact. I think it would be better to go into the business, as the house did upon another occasion, without the formality of the committee's report. As to myself, the honourable reward that a grateful nation has bestowed upon me, for ever binds me to make every return in my power, and particularly to oppose every unnecessary expence. I am far from thinking with the honourable gentleman, as to the speech, and I believe he will find instances where economy has been recommended from the throne, but prodigality practised. This was the case in Lord Harcourt's administration. An administration which had the support of the honourable gentleman; and therefore he, of all men, cannot be at a loss to reject that illusory œconomy, which has so often appeared in the speeches of lord lieutenants. With respect to the Genevese, I never could have thought it possible to give the speech such a bias as has been mentioned, and that people will be deceived, if they give credit to any declamation that infers from the words of the speech, any thing but an honest economy in applying the public money fairly to their use. The nation has derived great honour from this transaction, and I would be sorry to have it tarnished by inference and insinuation.

In 1771, when the burdens of the country were comparatively small, I made a motion similar to this; the honourable gentleman then opposed me. I have his sanction, now, that I was right, and he was wrong; and I say this, that though gentlemen may for a while vote against retrenchments, they will at last see the necessity of them. Yet while I think retrenchments absolutely necessary, I am not very sure, that this is just the time to make it in the army; now when England has acted justly, I will not say generously; now when she has lost her

« PreviousContinue »