In vain had the patriotic side of the House of Commons exerted their talents, and played all the powers of their batteries upon the ministerial phalanx: although a majority had been long secured, additional force was found requisite either to gain fresh proselytes or strengthen the wavering. A numerous creation of peers took place; and the parliamentary interest of the castle was thereby unquestionably increased. The very nature of the different questions, which had been pressed upon the ministers during the session, necessarily engaged and roused the feelings of the people out of doors. The Whig club, which was most obnoxious to government, was regularly attended by the most popular characters: it increased in numbers, and attention to the ends of its institutions. A northern Whig club was formed at Belfast, and Lord de Clifford placed in the chair. This gave fresh umbrage to the castle and the newspaper contests for and against the club exceeded all moderation. Most of the volunteer corps, which kept up any share of their original spirit, identified themselves in a manner with it, as their beloved General Lord Charlemont was a constant attendant. Besides the late creation of peerages, the recent collation of so many places and pensions upon members of parliament, and the rejection of every popular motion made in the commons, which were felt or treated as public grievances affecting equally every part of the nation, a particular ground of discontent attached itself to the metropolis. The police bill was execrated by all, except those, who received under it emolument, patronage or power. One of the grand objections against it, was, that it served as an instrument for encreasing the power of the castle in the corporation. It was therefore proposed by some of the popular party, that a test should be subscribed by the mayor and aldermen not to accept of any place under the police; which they were so far from agreeing to, that they entered into an engagement, that no man should be elected or eligible to the board of aldermen, who should have signed any declaration or test whatever. The repeated failure of Mr. Alderman James in his election to the mayoralty by the exertions of Mr. Napper Tandy, who was at that time very popular in the city, brought the mayor and aldermen and the common council to an open and violent rupture. The different extraordinary movements on the Continent, gave rise to strong rumours of war: and the temper of the people of Ireland eagerly seized that opportunity of reviving and encreasing the corps of volunteers. Several offers were made to government to raise regiments of Roman Catholics. The progress of the French revolution, which at this time was spoken of by many of the first statesmen, politicians and philosophers, with sympathy and admiration, became a favourite topic with the Irish: they had so recently obtained their own civil freedom and independence, that they were forward in sympathizing with others in pursuit of a similar object. The Belfast papers were conspicuous for their panegyrics on the French struggle against despotism, and their ardent efforts to attain a free constitution. That revolution had not yet exhibited any of those symptoms, at which a fair advocate for liberty should faulter. For some time the government of Ireland began to dread the pruriency of civil freedom throughout the kingdom, and particularly in the province of Ulster. They sought the corrective in coercion and severity. Many then judged, that a lenient system would be more efficient. In this year the Irish government gave a strong illustration of the pliancy of the human mind to time and circumstance. That sympathy, which had induced Lord Buckingham to countenance, cherish and reward the emigrant democracy from Geneva, had now turned into disgust and horror. The secretary openly announced the intention of government to abandon their intention to carry the project of a colony at New Geneva into execution. Fortunately for the country this sudden change in the sentiments of the castle turned out a saving of 33,000l. so much out of the 50,000% having remained unapplied: it was carried to the credit of the nation. * Notwithstanding the present prevalence of the popular political opinions out of parliament, the influence of the castle prevented any great change in the return of members to the new parliament. The dissolution took place on the 8th of April, 1790, and the new parliament was summoned to meet at Dublin on the 20th of May, but before that time was further prorogued to the 10th of July, when it met for dispatch of business. During that short session, which lasted only to the 24th of the month, little occurred worthy of notice. When Mr. Secretary Hobart moved, that Mr. Foster should again take the chair in that assembly, Mr. Conolly moved as an amendment, that the name of the Right Honourable William Brabazon Ponsonby should be inserted but the house did not divide, and Mr. Foster was re-elected, accepted and complimented by the lord lieutenant; who then made the following speech to both houses. MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, "I HAVE it in command from the king, "to acquaint you, that his majesty some time since received 10 Parl. Deb. p. 137. 66 "information, that two vessels belonging to his majesty's subjects, and navigated under the British flag, and two others, "the description of which is not hitherto sufficiently ascertained, "had been captured at Nootka Sound, on the north-west coast "of America, by an officer commanding two Spanish ships of war; that the cargoes of the British vessels had been seized, "and that their officers and crews had been sent as prisoners "to a Spanish port. His majesty in consequence of this trans"action, and of the communications which had passed on the "subject between his majesty and the court of Spain, directed "his minister at Madrid to claim such full and adequate satisfaction, as the nature of the case evidently required. And his "majesty having also received information that considerable armaments were carrying on in the ports of Spain, judged it "indispensably necessary to give orders for making such prepa"rations as might put it in his majesty's power to act with vigour "and effect in support of the honour of his crown, and the inte"rests of his people. "His majesty entertains the strongest desire for the mainte"nance of peace, on just and honourable grounds, and he has "directed me to assure you, that no proper steps shall be omit"ted by him, which may conduce to this object: but if unfor tunately his majesty's endeavours should not be successful, "he has the fullest reliance on the cordial and effectual support "of his parliament of Ireland, in the prosecution of such measures as may eventually become necessary for the honour of "his crown, and for the protection of the essential rights of all "his subjects, and the common interests of the empire. 66 "Convinced that the same regard for his majesty's royal "person, family and government, which have at all times distinguished his subjects of this kingdom, will be equally mani"fested upon this occasion, I entertain no doubt of my being "authorized to convey to his majesty, the fullest testimony of your attachment, loyalty and zeal." 66 When Sir Henry Cavendish, who had recently quitted the opposition, moved for the address to the lord lieutenant, he complimented the nation upon their tranquillity and happiness rather beyond what the existing circumstances then warranted. He thought it unnecessary to enter into any panegyric on the personal merit, or government of the viceroy: both were felt, and spoken of every where he went to: and the peace, happipiness, and tranquillity of the country, were the best proofs that its government was well administered. Mr. G. Ponsonby congratulated the right honourable baronet on the sudden discovery he had made in the merits of the present administration; and he lamented, that his own discernment did not allow him the happiness of altering his opinions of administration under the auspices of Lord Westmoreland's government. If the address moved, meant merely to convey the usual empty compliments to his excellency for complying with his duty in communicating his majesty's sentiments to the house, he had no objection: but if it were intended to convey a tittle of approbation to those measures, which the right honourable baronet and himself had so uniformly and so recently opposed together, he should be against it. He declared he never would give his approbation nor his support to the present or any other administration, but upon the condition of their acceding to the specific measures, which he and his friends had formerly avowed on the close of the last parliament. The purpose of convening the parliament was to obtain a vote of credit: accordingly the chancellor of the Exchequer moved, *for a vote of credit for 200,000l. to be applied by the lord lieutenant towards the expence of government. Mr. G. Ponsonby, Mr. O'Hara, and Mr. Grattan objected to the generality of the application; they contended, that the application of the grant should have been specified: they all concurred in admitting the interest of the two countries as inseparable; and Mr. Grattan reminded the house, that in the French war in 1778, there had passed a vote of credit for 300,000l. for putting the country in a state of defence, and that in January, 1779, there was not a shilling in the Treasury, and government was obliged to borrow 50,000 from a private gentleman, to pay the army. After such a precedent he wished the motion to be specific; to which the chancellor of the Exchequer assented. On the 24th of the month his majesty's answer to the address of the commons was communicated to the house, which was strongly expressive of his satisfaction at their determination to support the honour of his crown, and the common interest of the empire, at that important crisis: the parliament was then prorogued, and did not meet for the dispatch of business, till the 20th of January, 1791. In the Autumn, Mr. Secretary Hobart went over to England, as it was generally presumed, to concert the plan of the next parliamentary campaign with the British cabinet. It was also rumoured, that the Irish government having in the widest plenitude adopted the principles and system of Lord Buckingham's administration, the right honourable secretary had also much consultation with that nobleman. Lord Westmoreland in the mean time was not inattentive to the means of acquiring popularity, the want of which in his predecessor he felt very strongly operating upon his own government. In a country excursion for nearly nine months * 11 Parl. Deb. p. 9. he visited most of the nobility through the kingdom: his excellency and his lady on all solemn occasions appeared clad in Irish manufactures: and though apparently trifling, the permission to represent the favourite Beggar's Opera, which had been prohibited during the severe government of Lord Buckingham, gained him no small share of public favour. Lord Westmoreland's speech from the throne, on the meeting of parliament on the 20th of January, 1791, contained nothing extraordinary beyond a communication, that the differences with the court of Spain had been brought to a happy termination. On the next day, when the address which had been voted to the throne was read, Sir Richard Musgrave objected to that paragraph of it, which expressed the thanks of the house for continuing their present administration; he lamented, that addresses passed and were generally considered mere matter of form and unmeaning adulation. An assent to that address, would be a virtual sanction to the last, and an express approbation of the present administration; both of which he strongly deprecated. He concluded a virulent speech with a sarcastic observation, that the happy selection of able and wise senators on the other side of the house so well arrayed and disciplined, proved that there was wisdom and energy at the helm. Mr. Grattan had on the preceding day dissented from the corresponding paragraph in the address to his excellency. The business of this session differed very little from that of the last before the dissolution. The patriots appeared rather to have lost, than acquired strength by the new election. Their number did not at any time during the course of this session exceed fourscore. But their resolution to press all the questions, which they had brought forward in the last parliament appeared more violently determined than ever; insomuch, that Mr. George Ponsonby in replying to Mr. Cook,* assured him, that the hope he had expressed of gentlemen on his side of the house not bringing forward those measures, which they had done for some sessions past, was a lost hope, for that nothing but the hand of death or success should ever induce them to give up their pursuits. A singular parliamentary phenomenon ought to be noticed about the commencement of this session. Mr. D. La Touche had moved, that it was the opinion of the house, that the excessive use of spirituous liquors was highly injurious to the health and morals of the people; which he intended to follow up with a motion, for a committee to take the subject into consideration. Mr. Secretary Hobart and Mr. Grattan both instantly rose to second the motion. But the former having first caught the eye of the speaker, the latter expressed his pleasure to see the right honourable gentleman shew any activity in * 11 Parl. Deb. p. 384. |