"opinion of the committee, that the issuing writs from courts "of justice in actions of slander or defamation, where the sum "of damages could not be fairly ascertained, and holding persons to special bail in excessive sums thereon, is illegal "and subversive of the liberty of the subject." The motion, however, was lost by a majority of 125 against 91.

Similar divisions after long and heated debates, determined the fate of the responsibility and pension bills. In the debate of the preceding evening, the gentlemen of the opposition had been called up from the treasury bench, with an air of authority, to account for their very extraordinary conduct, during the whole of that session of parliament. It certainly was an unpleasant session to the minister. On the 6th of March, Mr. Curran rose to make his promised motion; which he prefaced with a long and animated speech. In answer to the recent call from the opposite treasury benches, he said, on their conduct he was not afraid to appeal solemnly to the sense of the people, at the eve of a political dissolution, when the members of the house were about to be refunded to the great mass of the people, and to give an account, whether they had been remiss in their parliamentary vigilance, slumbered upon their posts, or betrayed the passes of their constitution. He said, gentlemen on his side of the house had been accused of invective: it was not their wish to shield, but scourge venality. He decried the invective, that could call a blush into the cheek of virtue or innocence; but the invective complained of, was the last resource, which God had left to injured virtue, and he gloried in the name of being one of its dispensers. No man, he said, could be blamed for want of character or talents; he blamed not ministers for inability to defend, but for inclination to destroy. They had been charged with vindictiveness: but did they not, while trampling on the liberty of the press on one side, employ it for. the purposes of vilification, misrepresentation, and scurrility on the other? He then called upon the country to witness, that he and the friends with whom he acted, were solemnly pledged to each other never to resign the project, which he had held up against corruption; and though he might never again rise in that house, though it might not be their fate to see the perfection of that constitution, which they hailed on its return to life, they would never relinquish their efforts in its support. He had the satisfaction to reflect, that in those countries where liberty was extinguished, it had never given way, but when the corruption of the prince had combined with the vices of the people for its subversion. But he thanked Heaven that country was blessed with a virtuous and patriotic prince, attached to the freedom and happiness of his people, and the spirit of the people was yet unbroken: even in the capital, where corruption sat like an

Incubus upon the public heart, and sucked the vital blood of the constitution, the indignation of the people was manifest against the conduct of their rulers. He called upon the representatives of the people to join him in an address to his majesty; in a supplication to that king, whom all revered, not as from an humble arm of the British empire, but as from a great and independent kingdom, to free them from those measures, which rendered that country a scandal to the name of British liberty. He concluded his speech by moving the following resolution:

"Resolved, That an humble address be presented to the king, to inform his majesty, that having taken into consideration the growth of expence and influence in that country, it appeared on a comparative view of the public charges of 1789, with those of 1784, exclusive of the charges for bounties and parliamentary grants, and including the charges in collecting the revenue, that there had been in 1789, an increase of expence of 183,000%. That the civil list within that period, had increased 31,000% of which the increase of the pension list was 16,000l. besides 14,000l. which had ceased, and was supplied within the same period: so that in the course of five years, not less than 30,000%. a year in pensions had been granted on the civil establishment. alone, besides an encrease in military pensions, and in charges on other establishments in the nature of pensions.

That the expence of collecting the revenues has, since Ladyday, 1784, increased 105,000%.

That the increase of expence of collecting the hereditary, additional, and stamp duties, had increased 73,000l. without including additions made since March, 1789, by adding two members of parliament to the revenue board, and making nine commissioners of revenue instead of seven, the number to which the commissioners were in 1773, reduced by public agreement; and also, without including new salaries, given in the persons of five members of parliament, to stamp officers, for discharging a duty which was formerly annexed to the board of accounts by public agreement, and executed without any distinct salary, and without complaint.

That this encrease of 73,000%. could not be justified. That the new taxes, particularly those on malt and tobacco, were no excuse for such an encrease, inasmuch as the tax on malt produced not more than 27,000l. net, and that the late excise on tobacco was not attended with any encrease of revenue.

That that expence was the more censurable, because the collection of the revenue was already loaded with many unnecessary charges, particularly great salaries to officers of customs who did no duty, and with other sinecure offices which were in fact persions, given to individuals for political

considerations, without any view to the collection of the re

venue.

That the encrease of the revenue since 1784, after paying drawbacks and bounties, appeared to be a sum not less that 168,000l. but by the encrease of expence in collecting the same, was reduced to a net sum of about 67,000. so that after deducting the charge of 32,000l. for the post-office, his majesty's government paid 73,000l. for getting net to the treasury 67,000l.

That they were sensible of the blessings of his majesty's reign, and the improving the state of the agriculture and commerce of the country, but must consider the same as the result of a free constitution, recovered under his majesty's auspices, and not of the ability or virtue of his present ministers; on the contrary, that their plans of expence, if not immediately checked, would deprive them of those blessings, inasmuch as the public expence exceeded the public income in a sum of not less. than 70,000l. after allowing for a payment of 34,000l. made to government that year for New Geneva, which was a casual resource, and would not again recur; so that their annual expence then was in a course of exceeding their annual income in a sum of more than 100,000l. notwithstanding the new

taxes.

That in the two last years, ending Lady-day, 1789, after striking off fictitious charges, they had encreased the debt of the nation 113,000/. notwithstanding a surplus of the loan duties in that period, to diminish the funded debt, and the continuation of those new taxes, which were granted in confidence of preventing the accumulation of any debt whatsoever.

That this house having before them the returns of those articles of revenue, in which the health and comforts of the people were particularly concerned, could not but observe, that the regulations affecting the breweries, appeared not only to have been fruitless, but in a great degree pernicious, inasmuch as the inland excise on beer and ale, for three years previous to July, 1789, produced not less than 390,000l. whereas the said excise for the three years, ending 1790, produced 266,000l. which was a falling off in the latter period of 124,000l. so that the breweries had been almost extinguished by the present regulation, and instead of giving the people a wholesome and necessary liquor, the regulations of his majesty's ministers had extracted a pernicious income from the sale of spirits, at the expence of the morals and health of the lower class of the people.

That this house having taken into consideration the growth of influence, begged leave to inform his majesty, that within the last year, the new salaries and additional places created for members of that house, together with new or revived offices for the same, amounted to a number not less than fourteen, and

there was also a considerable number of pensions granted to members of that house or to their connections, within the same period, and that the joint increase was so considerable, as to comprehend a number which, when taken from one side and added to the other, was not less than that majority, which had, in the course of that session, usually decided the great questions between the people and the minister.

That when they looked at the progress of influence within the last twenty years, they found, that the number of revived or new places and salaries created within that period, and then in the possession of members of that house, was not less than for. ty, a number which exceeded all the counties in Ireland, and that they could not but observe, that the number of placemen and pensioners, then members of that house, were not less than 108. That to that they were to add a number of persons expecting both reversions and honours; and that they could not avoid informing his majesty, that they had but too strong reason to apprehend, that the ministers of the crown had grossly abused the prerogative, by virtue of which his majesty had been wont to confer honours on the subject, and they apprehended, that his ministers had entered into various agreements for the purpose of procuring improper and corrupt returns into that house by the sale of the honours of the other.

That they were most apprehensive for the safety of their li berties; inasmuch as the attempts of actual influence had been accompanied by positive declarations, and his majesty's faithful commons had been informed, that in order to defeat a resistance made in parliament to the will of the minister, certain great portions of public money had been expended, to which most alarming confession they could annex no meaning other than that the government of that country formerly had, in breach of trust, misapplied the public treasure under the names of place, pension or salary, to induce individuals to betray the community for such corrupt considerations.

That even the particular sums so expended had been specified and confessed; and that such corrupt and desperate practice alarmed them the more, because it had not transpired as a crime to be punished, but had been openly avowed as an instrument of government to be again resorted to.

That such exercise of influence had not only been confessed, but defended on a principle most offensive to the feelings, and derogatory from the condition of his majesty's subjects of Ireland.

That when they sought the same securities and provisions for the liberties of the people, which Great Britain had adopted against the corrupt influence of the minister, they had been told, that such provisions, however proper in Great Britain,

were not calculated for the meridian of Ireland; for that the go vernment in that country should be stronger than the government in Great Britain, and of course the influence and authority of the people of Ireland comparatively weaker in the balance of the constitution.

That such wild and unconstitutional distinction, construing the people of Ireland out of the benefit of equal liberty, to introduce among them a superior degree of corruption and profligacy, called forth from his majesty's faithful commons of Ireland, the warmest protestations, and they did protest against it accordingly. And they further did, in the name, and on behalf of the people of that realm, claim and challenge an equal inheritance in the blessings of the British constitution, and an equal right to secure those blessings by every wise and salutary law.

That they begged leave further to inform his majesty, that personal as well as political liberty was in danger; that the subject had been imprisoned against law, by being holden to arbitrary and excessive bail. The declaration of rights, calculated to secure him against such oppression, had been disregarded and violated; the liberty of the press attacked, and the hopes of the nation in her grand inquest of correcting such mischiefs blasted by the interposition of his majesty's ministers protecting from injury those illegal and arbitrary proceedings, which they could not presume to justify.

That they had ventured to lay the above particulars before his majesty, most humbly imploring his majesty's royal interposition, to guard their country against those dangers, which then threatened the independence of parliament, and the liberties of the people."

This was the last attack made by the patriots during the session: despairing of being able to carry any question whatever against a majority, which had remained so steady in their ranks, they resolved to perpetuate to posterity the real grounds of their opposing the late system of government, by recording them in the form of an address on the journals of that house. The debate was kept up with heat and acrimony till 4 o'clock on the Sunday morning; when upon the question of adjournment, the house divided 141 against 90.*

The parliament was prorogued on the 5th of April, 1790, and the viceroy informed them in his speech from the throne, that as the important objects, which had engaged their attention during the session, had been accomplished, he had great pleasure in signifying his majesty's approbation of the zeal they had shewn for the public interest; and the dispatch, with which they had concluded the national business.

* 10 Parl. Deb. p. 421.