No character of an individual ever was more material to the interests of a kingdom, than that of Mr. Grattan to those of Ireland. Of the unrivalled powers of his mind, there never were two opinions. If these sheets have fairly (though faintly) recorded his exertions in favour of his country, up to the year 1782, it is presumed, that the judgment of the whole British empire upon his public conduct up to that period, will be in strict unison with that of his country, which then rewarded his fidelity and talents with a patriotic donation of 50,000l. From that great epoch in Irish history, no character has ever been. more variously represented than that of Mr. Grattan. A man covered with the most honourable trophies of a grateful country, must in the jarring conflicts of political convulsions stand exposed to the shafts of ambition, fear, jealousy, envy and revenge. The spirit of party rose to an unprecedented height under Lord Buckingham's administration, and Mr. Grattan. uniformly opposed the principles and measures of that system. One part of the nation supported and looked up to him with enthusiasm Lord Beauchamp was succeeded by Lord Frederick Campbell, a nobleman of too high rank to desire any reward from that country, for the short time he resided in it; but his successor under the same administration (Lord Macartney) was rewarded for his services, by the government of the Castle of Toom, with a salary of 1500/. a year. Lord Macartney was succeeded by the right honourable gentleman on the second bench, who derived some advantages from his services in that station; though perhaps, not adequate either to his own merit, or Mr. Mason's good wishes. The right honourable gentleman was succeeded by Sir Richard Heron, who held an employment in the port of Cork, worth 8007. a year. From the time of Lord Buckinghamshire, till the arrival of the Duke of Rutland, the government of that country was continually changing; their secretaries were merely birds of passage; but Mr. Orde, who obtained the pension in question, as a reward for his services, which he well deserved, resided in that kingdom for three years, in times of difficulty and confusion; devoting the whole of his attention, and even sacrificing his health, to an anxious desire, not only of promoting the present welfare of that country, but that of the rising generation also. A very short, but singularly emphatical speech of Mr. O'Neil in this debate ought not to pass unnoticed. "10 Par. Deb. p. 210. He thought it wholly "unnecessary for gentlemen on the other side, to adduce a single argument "upon any question, while they had an omnipotent number of 140 to support "them. On the subject of influence, the denial of it, he said, was ridiculous, "as there was not a lady then sitting at tea in Dublin, who, if she were told "that there were 120 men in that house, composed of placemen and pensioners, "would not be able to say how the question would be decided, as well as "the tellers on the division. He said the very first act in every session of parliament, which was the bill of supply, went to raise the interest for a “million and a half of money for ministers to divide amongst themselves. I "do say, and I say it prophetically," continued he, " that the people will "resist it. The members of this house bear but a small proportion to the "people at large. There are gentlemen outside those doors, of as good "education and of as much judgment of the relative duties of representation, as any man within doors, and matters are evidently ripening, and will shortly come to a crisis." 60 as the grateful and faithful servant, the true friend and ablest advocate of his country. The other part (the less numerous and the more opulent) considered and represented him as a factious ingrate, a secret and dangerous enemy, and little short of an avowed traitor to his king and country. As he headed the most determined opposition ever made against the Irish government, his conduct has been scrutinized with censorious scrupulosity. He was the founder and promoter of the Whig Club of Ireland: and from his proposal, did the members pledge themselves to each other, not to accept offices under any administration, that would not support, until they obtained for the people, a pension bill, a place bill, a responsibility bill, and a bill to prevent the revenue officers from voting at elections. In this debate upon Mr. Forbes's motion, Mr. Grattan in reply to some observations made from the treasury bench on the subject of party, distinctly disclosed the objects, which he and his friends professed to have in view.* 10 Par. Deb. p. 216. We have been called, said he, the tail of a British faction; by whom? By those, or the followers of those, who owe their livelihood, or their first elevation to what they call that British faction: by those who have received 1, 2, or 3000l. a year from that British faction; whose numerous families have been fed by that British faction; or whose introduction into political life was first due, and the consequences, therefore, in some degree, to be attributed to that British faction. There is not one gentleman in the present Irish administration who is really confidential, that is not bounden by the closet relationship or the greatest political pecuniary obligations to that British faction; nor is there any one of them or of those, who act under them, that would not be the humble servant of that British faction, if the keys of the treasury were once more in their hands; nor is there any one of them, who would not, and does not now, for his private interest, personally and privately court that British faction. When such men revile that body, and instigate their friends, and followers and retainers, to revile that body, such men do not acquit themselves of the charge of party, but convict themselves of the basest ingratitude and vilest adulation; they prove themselves willing to offer their wretched incense to whomsoever shall be in power; to those from whom they now receive wages, and therefore fawn on, at the expence of those, from whom they did receive wages, from whom they are ready to receive wages, but from whom, at this particular moment, they receive wages no longer; and therefore such men are not above party, but so very mercenary and menial as to be below faction. Just so, the coachman who drives the minister; he serves secretary after secretary, he is handed down from master to master, and he enquires not into the principles of any, but receives wages from all; and his justification is, that he is a servant: but should he, servant as he is, like some of you, revile these masters who have paid him, then he would be a faithless hireling, and not an honest servant. Sir, I will tell gentlemen, what description of party is beneficial; a party united on public principle, by the bond of certain specific public measures, which measures cannot be carried by individuais, and can only succeed by party. I will state some of ours, a pension bill, a place bill, a repeal of the present Dublin police bill, a responsibility bill, that is, a bill requiring the acts of the executive power to be signed by certain officers resident in Ireland, who shall be with their lives and fortunes, responsible to this kingdom in the measures and expences of government; also a bill to preserve the freedom of election, The next plan of attack fell to the lot of Mr. George Ponsonby, who after he had gone over the old course of popular grievances, finished with this observation, that as they had declared from the opposite benches, that they would avow and defend every measure of Lord Buckingham, there was little hope of his succeeding in his motion, though he had observed that the transcendant abilities of Mr. Grattan had, on the last debate, encreased the number of those, who voted on their side of the house. His motion was: To represent to his ma"jesty, that his faithful commons having taken into considera"tion the growth of public expence in the last year, could "not but observe many new and encreased salaries, annexed "to offices granted to members of this house, no fewer in num"ber than fourteen; that so rapid an increase of places, to"gether with the number of additional pensions, could not but "alarm the house; and though they never could entertain a "doubt of his majesty's affection and regard for his loyal king"dom of Ireland, yet they feared, that his majesty's servants might, by misinformation, so far have abused his majesty's "confidence, as to have advised such measures for the purpose "of increasing influence." Mr. Grattan seconded the motion; which after a warm debate till one o'clock was negatived by a majority of 146, against 87. by disqualifying revenue officers; and further a total demolition of the new charges created by the Marquis of Buckingham. These are some of the measures which we, if we should have power, are pledged to the public to carry into specific execution. I read them the rather, because litera scripta manet, the public hears and will record. These are some of our measures: I now turn to administration, and call upon them to state their measures; what bills for the public good? State them; come forth; I pause to give them time to consider. Well, what are they? Not one public, constitutional, or wise regulation, there they sit under the public eye; a blank, gutted, excavated, and eviscerated of any one single, constitutional, or economic bill, principle or project for the good of the community. Sir, I will give these gentlemen of administration, on this topic of party, the greatest advantage they can in their situation receive. I will draw a veil over the past, and forget the specific services which we have performed, and those which we are pledged to perform for the good of the country. I will also forget the injuries, which they and their abettors have at different times inflicted, and are this hour inflicting on the community; let us start as it were anew, set name against name, and we will beat them down by cha racter. I have submitted a description of a party which I conceive to be a public benefit. I will state to you a description of a party which I conceive to be the public curse; if party it can be called, which is worse than a faction, and nothing more than an impudent phalanx of political mercenaries, coming from their little respective offices to vote for their bribe and vapour for their character, who have neither the principles of patriotism, nor ambition, nor party, nor honour: who are governed not by deliberation, but discipline; and licking the hands that feed, and worshipping the patron that bribes them. Degraded men, disgraceful tribe! When they vote for measures, they are venal when such men talk against party, they are impudent. Not only the actual opposition given to the system of government by Mr. Grattan was displeasing to them, but the perseverance and powerful talents, with which he now kept up an aggressive warfare, rendered him personally obnoxious in proportion as he became, formidable to his opponents. On no occasion during the session did he press the ministers more closely, than on the 20th of February, when he opened upon them a new battery, for which they had not been prepared. He rose unexpectedly in the house, and without any preface thus accosted the chair. *"SIR, "WE persist to combat the project to govern this country by "corruption. We have hitherto contended against those parts "of the system, which proceeded to undermine the constitution, "without an apparent breach of the law, and therefore, might "impose on the public as a government by law; such was the "addition of two unnecessary commissioners; such were the "unnecessary salaries for four officers of the stamps: such were "the additional salaries to four officers of the ordnance; such, "in short, the creation of fourteen new parliamentary places, "and of eight or nine parliamentary pensions, in the course of "less than twelve months. These measures import their own "criminality, and bespeak on the part of his majesty's minis66 ters, a design to govern this country by sapping the founda"tion of her liberty. They called upon us to disallow them, "they called upon us to withdraw our confidence from the "ministers by whom they were imposed; but they went no "further. They did not appear to be accompanied with any "overt act, whereby the criminal designs of their authors could "be substantiated by evidence enough to punish their persons; "they were good reasons for dismissing the ministers for ever "from his majesty's councils, but not grounds for personal "punishment. "But there is another part of this project, wherein his ma"jesty's ministers have not only attempted to undermine the "constitution, but have actually broken the laws; for that part "of the project, we conceive his majesty's ministers to be "impeachable. Sir, the sale of honours is an impeachable "offence; the crime speaks itself. But to take the point out of "doubt, I will state to you a case; the Duke of Buckingham, "in the reign of Charles I. was impeached on thirteen articles, "and the ninth article was the sale of honours; the very crime, "of which the ministers of Ireland have been guilty. was impeached for the sale of a peerage to Lord Roberts for 10,000%. 66 10 Par. Deb. p. 264. He "The House of Commons in support of the impeachment, "stated the heinousness of perverting the ancient and honoura"ble way of obtaining titles of honour. They urged the crime "of taking away from the crown, the fair and frugal way of "rewarding great and deserving servants. They stated the "crime of shuffling promiscuously and confusedly together, "those of inferior alloy, with those of the purest and most 66 generous metal. They urged, that it was a prodigious "scandal to the nation, and that for such offence, precedent "there was none, and then they call for justice on the head "of that man, who by making honour saleable, had rendered it " contemptible. "But there is a circumstance in the offence of the Irish mi66 nistry, which is not to be found in the case of the Duke of "Buckingham; they have applied the money arising from the "sale to model the House of Commons; this is another im"peachable offence; that minister who sells the honours of "one house to model the representation of the other, is im"peachable for the last offence as well as the first; he makes a 66 wicked, and scandalous, and illegal use of the prerogative "of the crown, in order to destroy the privileges of parliament. "He makes the two houses of parliament auxiliary, not to supແ port, but to contaminate one another. Thus he is a conspira"tor against the legislation; attacking it in both houses of "parliament, and poisoning the two great sources of the law. "But this practice corrupts also the dispensation of justice 66 well as the fountains of the law; the sale of a peerage, "is the sale of a judicial employment of the highest judicial "situation; a situation, whose province it is to correct the errors of all other courts; such a sale goes against the com66 mon law, and against the spirit of every statute made on the "subject. as "I say the present ministers of this country cannot govern "Ireland, they cannot govern Ireland for England; I do not "call corruption government, not the carrying a question at the "loss of their money and character. They have then pro"cured for British government, neither character sufficient to command respect, nor revenue sufficient to pay the establish"ment; but then they have gotten other strength, they have "gotten the support and good will of the nation. No, the loss of the nation's good will is synonymous with the loss of repu ❝tation. The independent country gentlemen never can support a "minister who practises extravagance and professes corruption; "supporting such a minister they would be country gentlemen no longer, they would be the servants of the castle out of livery. They must see and despise the pitiful policy of 66 |