nation. The fruition of recently acquired possessions is ever keener than the enjoyment of those, which have attended us from the cradle. The late civil advantages, which had been acquired either by assertion or concession were firm steps to the Irish to ascend to the perfect level of that constitutional freedom, which was the boast of Great Britain, but from which it still appeared her policy to exclude her sister kingdom. The most complete legislative independence, that could either be demanded or admitted, never would destroy the subordination of the Irish cabinet and administration. Hence the baneful source of Irish infelicity, and the imperious necessity of an incorporate union, in order to eradicate every fibre, from which the most puny sucker of that deleterious system could revive. Notwithstanding all the declarations, repeals, and renunciations on our part, it was physically impossible, that Great Britain should ever have considered the independence of the two kingdoms as perfectly reciprocal: and it appears, that in proportion to the efforts of Ireland to establish that reciprocity, was the jealous preponderance of Great Britain exerted to defeat it. Lord Buckingham's administration was an eventful æra in the latter history of Ireland. The declaration of American independence, and its successful progress to stability, had not a little contributed to that stupendous revolution of France, which had hitherto exhibited a fair and plausible appearance to most lovers of civil freedom: these examples stimulated the youthful vigour of regenerated Ireland to perfect their work, which they considered as left undone, whilst Great Britain enjoyed a constitutional advantage, of which Ireland was bereft. The contest between the Marquis of Buckingham and the parliament had disjointed and loosened the pre-existing parties, and the recovery of the sovereign had hitherto only brought back to their ranks those, who openly professed to give their services for pay. A more numerous and formidable opposition had arisen out of the question upon the regency, than the castle ever more expected to experience. The nation was generally with the minority, which comprised all the great popular interests of the kingdom: a race was run between those, who commanded any means of strengthening their respective parties both in and out of parliament: on one side patronage and influence were extended through the revenue, through the police and every other conduit, which was connected with the castle: on the other side the spirit of 1782 was revived in the volunteer corps, the Whig club encouraged, and the unpopularity of the late administration exhibited through the nation in the liveliest colours. Though the Earl of Westmoreland succeeded the Marquis of Buckingham in the government of Ireland, yet it was ob served by several of the opposition members, that it was but a continuance of the former administration, under a less unpopu lar head:* the secretary and most other servants of the crown were continued in office. He met the parliament on the 21st of January, 1790, and his speech turned merely on the common topics. The whole of this session was but a series of fruitless contests for the great points, which the patriots contended they were entitled to by the constitution, and had pledged themselves to their country to persevere in pressing upon the government, until they should be granted. On the second day of the session, as the address was moved for, †Mr. Grattan, though he did not mean to oppose the address, felt it incumbent upon him to avail himself of the earliest opportunity in the session to mark his disapprobation of the measures of the late administration, and to prove to the full conviction of that house, that they had been ill governed. He then went into a detail of those grievances, which the country had to lay at the door of the Marquis of Buckingham: he first touched on the increase of the pension list, and then of the "The same * So Major Doyle expressed himself, 10 Parl. Deb. p. 233. "measures were continued by the present viceroy, as if some malicious "device had shot into him the spirit of his departed predecessor, and that the "castle of Dublin was only the reflected shadows of the palace of Stowe." † 10 Parl. Deb.p. 7. This being mere matter of account, I extract it from the papers laid before parliament. Append. to the 13th vol. Journ. Com. p. 271. A list of all Pensions placed on the Civil Establishment during the Period of the Marquis of Buckingham's Administration, with an account of the total Amount thereof. Fitzherbert Richards, Esq. James Cavendish, Esq. Harriet Cavendish Lionel, Lord Viscount Strangford Robert Thornton, Esq. Right Honourable Thomas Orde Duke of Gloucester Georgina, Viscountess Boyne Lady Catherine Marlay Honourable Rose Browne Walter Taylor Francis D'Ivernois William, Viscount Chetwynd, additional 400 150 150 400 300 1700 4000 500 300 300 300 300 300 200 200 200 Charles, Viscount Ranelagh, and Sarah, Viscountess Ranelagh, his wife, and survivor Lucia Agar, Viscountess Clifden, and Emily Anne Agar her daughter, and survivor 300 Sir Henry Mannix, Bart. 500 Sir Richard Johnstone, Bart. and William Johnstone, Esq. his son, and survi encreased expence in the ordnance department, the latter of which he made amount to 1500/. besides 600l. pension to an officer on the staff. Then after having amplified in detail * When he came to reflect on the extent of official abuses, which the Marquis of Buckingham undertook to reform and correct, great praise must be given to the resolution of any man, that would undertake the invidious though necessary function. Mr. Corry, whom he appointed surveyor of the ordnance, gave the following detail of his lordship's conduct in the outset of his reformation of that department, 10 Parl. Deb. p. 230. The first the public knew of the faults of the officers of the ordnance board, was the taking possession of their offices; but how different was this appearance from the real fact? It is customary for the ordnance board on the arrival of a new lord lieutenant, to make to him a return of the stores and ammunition in the arsenals and magazines of the kingdom. This return had been made to Lord Buckingham when he was first here lord lieutenant in 1782; a like return was made to him upon his second coming. Lord Buckingham was too much in the habit of examining papers, not to observe by the difference between those two returns, that some extraordinary peculation must have taken place; this was enough to direct his attention to the subject; but so far from proceeding with precipitation, he examined a variety of papers, which took up a great part of his time, from January to August, and having fully discovered the peculation, he wrote a letter to the persons concerned, desiring them to call a board, and, if possible, explain and just fy their conduct. They did call a board, and thus their guilt being fully proved, Lord Buckingham, well knowing the scene of forgery that was then acting, like a wise and vigorous minded man, took, as it were by storm, the different offices; if he had not, his fame would indeed be gibbeted, and not as now, without foundation. Within twelve hours from the time Lord Buckingham took possession of the ordnance office, an attempt was made to rob it. It was natural, after the discovery of peculation, to examine whether there was any radical defect in the constitution of the der artment; it was found there was none, it was established in wisdom. What then was to be done? Not to alter the constitution of the department, but to put men of character and responsibility into the several offices. As to the nobleman at the head of the ordnance, the slightest glance of suspi cion never fell upon him, his ill health made him so frequently absent, that it was impossible for him to scrutinize as Lord Buckingham did. The great misfortune of the office was, that several officers were absent, and those who attended in general, were under the control of the person who was chiefly guilty. Of that person, who in private life was a man extremely amiable, who has expiated his crime with his life, and to whom, if we cannot extend pardon, yet we cannot refuse pity, I would not speak at all, if not compelled; but being called upon, I must speak as truth demands and justice requires. That person came from Woolwich a private artificer, he was made a surveyor of the ordnance, with a salary of Fair perquisites Comptroller of the elaboratory 4501. 150 150 40 790 Yet he was not satisfied with this, but threatened he would go back to England, to prevent which he was made a commissioner of barracks, 4007. upon every act of the late viceroy, he summed up his charges in the following impressive manner.* "Such has been the "conduct of your reformer. This was the man; you re"member his entry into the capital, trampling on the hearse of "the Duke of Rutland, and seated in a triumphal car, drawn "by public credulity; on one side fallacious hope, and on the "other many-mouthed profession; a figure with two faces, one "turned to the treasury, and the other presented to the peo"ple; and with a double tongue, speaking contradictory lanCC guages. This minister alights; justice looks up to him with empty hopes, and peculation faints with idle alarms; he finds the "city a prey to an unconstitutional police; he continues it; he "finds the country overburthened with a shameful pension list; " he increases it; he finds the House of Commons swarming "with placemen; he multiplies them; he finds the salary of the "secretary increase to prevent a pension; he grants a pension; "he finds the king lom drained by absentee employments, and by compensations to buy them home; he gives the best reversion "in the country to an absentee, his brother! He finds the go"vernment at different times had disgraced itself by creating "sinecures, to gratify corrupt affection; he makes two com"missioners of the rolls, and gives one of them to another bro"ther; he finds the second council to the commissioners put "down because useless; he revives it; he finds the boards of accounts and stamps annexed by public compact; he divides "them; he finds the boards of customs and excise united by "public compact; he divides them; he finds three resolutions; "declaring, that seven commissioners are sufficient; he makes "nine; he finds the country has suffered by some peculations in the "ordnance; he increases the salaries of offices, and gives the places "to members; to members of parliament." The next attack upon the minister was made on the 1st of February, when Mr. Grattan, after having desired several resolutions to be read from the Journals once more, went over his old ground, and in a stupendous stream of oratory† arraigned Now as to the peculation, instead of 6 or 80001. look at the documents and you will see, that in the space of time, which Lord Buckingham examined, about ten years, the defalcation on musquets and bayonets was upwa, ds of 20,000. In the article of gunpowder issued, but not accounted for, 9000!. defalcation in gunpowder 26,0007. The excess of the profit on gunpowder in four years, bought from Irish manufactures, over what it might be bought for from English, 17,000!. Besides these discoveries Lord Buckingham has discover. ed how 800 a year may, and will in future be saved to the nation in the issue of powder to the several regiments: yet these are things that gentlemen affect to make light of, and blame Lord Buckingham, where he had so much merit. 10 Parl Deb. p. 15. In speaking of the undue influence of the crown, and the non-respon sibility of the Irish minister, he thus expressed himself (10 Parl. Deb. p. 61) the whole system of the late administration, so stedfastly supported by the present. He then moved, "That the resolutions "of this house against increasing the number of the commis"sioners of the revenue and dividing of the boards, be laid be "The advocates for undue influence, who have appeared in England, have "admitted it to be a defect, but a defect that would mix with the constitution: "the ministers of Ireland have made that defect the only engine of their go"vernment; our ministers have picked up from the British constitution no"thing but the most corrupt part of her practice, and that they have carried "into the most daring excesses. No constitutional bills to heal: no popular "bills to pacify. The currency, the pure poison unmixed, unquenched, unqualified; or if qualified, tempered only with revenge. On this principle "lid the ministers take into their venal and vindictive hand the table of proscriptions, on this principle did they remove, not because the place was un"necessary; they have made unnecessary offices; on this principle did they "deprive, not because the pension list was overburthened; they have aug"mented that list, but because the placemen so removed and the pensioner "so deprived had voted against the will of the minister, in questions wherein "that minister was pronounced to be unconstitutional, and convicted to be "corrupt. On the same principle did the ministry try the paltry arts of di"vision, holding out the aristocracy to the people, as the old accomplice of "the ministers, and to the country gentlemen, as the monopolizers of emolu"ments, as if by the spoil of the aristocracy the minister could bribe away the "independency of the country gentlemen, and rob the people of that small, "but respectable support, and sink that body into the herd of the castle. On "the same principle did the minister attack the dignity of the peerage, "by the sale of honours, and the dignity of this house, by the application "of the money to purchase for the servants of the castle seats in the assembly of the people. On the same principle did they attack the purity of this house, by the multiplication of office, and division of estab❝lishment. "I will not say the ministers went into the open street with cockades "in their hats, and drums in their hands; but I do say they were as public, " and had as openly broken terms with decorum, as if they had so open"ly paraded in College Green, with their business lettered on their fore"head. "Such has been their practice, and such practice has been defended! "Merciful Heaven, defended! We have been taught to believe the Irish "viceroy is not to be affected in his situation by the sense of the people of "this country. "Here you will stop to consider and demand why all this? Why this at"tack on Ireland? The minister will tell you what caused, but I will tell you "what contributed. It was impunity, impunity. You have no adequate re"sponsibility in Ireland, and politicians laugh at the sword of justice, which "falls short of their heads, and only precipitates on their reputations. Sir, "this has never yet exercised herself in the way of vindictive justice, in the "case of Strafford, she was but an humble assistant, and yet in this country "we have had victims, the aristocracy at different times has been a victim, "the whole people of Ireland for almost an entire century were a victim; but "ministers in all the criminal successions....here is a chasm, a blank in your "history. Sir, you have in Ireland no axe, therefore no good minister. Sir, "it is the misfortune of this country, that the principles of her constitution “have not yet become entirely the maxims of all those, who take the lead in "her government. They have no public mind, their maxims are provincial, "and this misconception of our situation is not a little assisted by a prudent "sense of their own interest. They know that Ireland does not punish: they see that the British court does reward. This will explain why the Irish court prefers a strong corrupt government to a good sound constitution.” |