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The speaker undertook to Southampton; and then Mr. adjourn to the 13th of April.

transmit the address to Lord Secretary Fitzherbert moved to During this interval Mr. Hobart

"grateful to a nation so highly indebted to their most excellent sovereign "during the whole course of his reign; and we rejoice in the reflection, that "the father of his people is blessed with a son, who is likely, in the fulness of "time, to continue to his majesty's loyal and affectionate subjects of Ireland "the blessings of his government.

"Thoroughly conscious that nothing can add more to that esteem which your royal highness has been pleased to express for the two houses of "parliament, than their loyal and affectionate attachment to the person "and government of the king, we will steadily persevere in those prin"ciples of duty, loyalty, and affection, which have so happily recommended "them to the favourable opinion of your royal highness.

"We feel the highest satisfaction in finding that what we have done, and "our manner of doing it, have received your approbation, and that your royal "highness is pleased to consider our conduct as a proof of our undiminished "duty to his majesty, our uniform attachment to the House of Brunswick, and "our constant care and attention to maintain inviolate the concord and connec, “tion between the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, which we consider "as indispensably necessary to the prosperity, the happiness and liberties of both; and we beg leave to assure your royal highness, that from those princi"ples we shall never depart.

"We are happy to find that your royal highness considers our just attention to his majesty's royal family, and the provision made by us for preserving "the authority of the crown in its constitutional energy, as the most unequi vocal proofs which could be given of our affectionate loyalty to the "best of sovereigns, at the melancholy period when, by an afflicting "dispensation of Providence, his government had suffered an intermis"sion, and his illustrious house was deprived of its great and natural pro "tector.

"We have the justest reliance on the moderation of the views, and the "purity of the intentions of your royal highness, and we have the fullest "convictions in our minds, that any trust which could have the most distant "tendency to relax that provident vigilance and public jealousy, which ought to watch over the exercise of power, would not have been acceptable to the "exalted sentiments of your royal highness, whose understanding and princi"ples are rendered more valuable by the generous and affectionate heart "which animates their dictates.

"We can with the greatest truth most solemnly assure your royal highness, that it is the ardent wish of the parliament and people of Ireland to continue "to cultivate the harmony and inseparable interests of the two kingdoms, firmly convinced, that in their mutual perfect freedom they will find the "closest, as well as the happiest bond of their connection; and we offer our "warmest acknowledgments to your royal highness for your recommendation "to us to persevere in such a conduct, and consider your royal highness's re"commendation, so worthy the high station in which you are placed, as an "additional proof of your attention to the welfare of both countries.

"We assure your royal highness, that if any thing could add to the exul"tation of our minds at the happy event of the recovery of our most beloved "sovereign, it would be the pleasure, which we feel in reflecting, that the "heir to his majesty's crown inherits the virtues of his royal father; virtues, "which every part of your royal highnes's conduct, during the late melancho "ly and trying occasion, has placed in the most illustrious point of view; and "the repeated marks of graciousness and condescension, with which your "royal highness has been pleased to honour the two houses of parliament, "must ever remain impressed in the most indelible characters of affection "and gratitude on the hearts of the people of Ireland."

was appointed to succeed Mr. Fitzherbert as secretary. When the house met, according to adjournment, Mr. Secretary Hobart informed the house, that he was commanded by his excellency the lord lieutenant to acquaint them, that his majesty had been pleased to return the following most gracious answer to the address of the house:

"GEORGE R.

"HIS majesty thanks his faithful commons "for their loyal and affectionate address, and for their assurances of the sincere and cordial satisfaction which they feel "on the interposition of Divine Providence in removing "from him the severe indisposition, with which he has been af"flicted.

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Nothing can be more satisfactory to his majesty, than "the disposition expressed by the House of Commons, cheer"fully to proceed in making such provisions as are "cessary for the honourable support of his majesty's govern

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"He receives with the greatest pleasure the acknowledge"ments of the House of Commons, of their sense of the solici"tude which his majesty can never cease to entertain for the "interests of Ireland, as well as their professions of respect and "attachment to his person, family and government.

"G. R."

It was ordered to be entered on the journals, and an address of thanks was voted. On the 15th, Mr. Grattan presented to the house, according to order, a bill for the better securing the freedom of elections of members to serve in parliament, by disabling certain officers employed in the collection or management of his majesty's revenues from giving their votes at such elections; which was received and read the first time, and then Mr. Secretary Hobart informed the house, that he was directed by his excellency the lord lieutenant, to deliver the following message to the house:

"NUGENT BUCKINGHAM.

"HIS majesty having appointed Thursday "the 23d of this instant April, to be observed as a day of public "thanksgiving to Almighty God, for that signal interposition "of his good providence, which hath removed from his majesty "the late illness, with which he had been afflicted; and a pro"clamation having been issued by the lord lieutenant and the "privy council of this kingdom for the solemn observance of "that day, I intend to go to the cathedral of Christ Church to "attend divine service upon that occasion, and have given the necessary orders for providing convenient places in the said cathedral for the members of this house.

"N. B."

On the 21st of April several petitions from revenue officers and others were presented to the house against the bill then pending, which intended to deprive them of their elective franchise, upon which a very long and warm debate ensued. In vain were all arguments drawn from reason, law, and constitution urged by the supporters of the bill; in vain was the example of England set forth in pointed relevancy to that kingdom; in vain was it pressed upon the house, that the bill under their consideration, nearly in the same words, had passed that house with the entire consent of most of the members, who were now taught to exclaim against it, as an attack upon the rights of the people; that such a bill, with the consent and approbation of its present most vehement opponents, had passed the commons, had been transmitted under the great seal of Ireland, and returned under the great seal of England; which, though lost in the lords, had not been rejected upon its merits; but had shared the fate of the ministry, which had espoused it: that the people had then lost a good ministry and a good bill. The ferment occasioned in the commons by the late alarm had now nearly subsided: the re-establishment of the old system, and the disappearance of any immediate change in administra tion, had brought back most of the fugitives to their station, and upon the division there were found only 93 for the committal of the bill, and 148 against it.

On the 25th of April, Sir Henry Cavendish, chairman of the committee on the police accounts, delivered in their report,* upon which they had come to two resolutions: 1st, That it had appeared to them, that the police establishment been had attended with unnecessary patronage, waste and dissipation. 2d, That it was their opinion, that the peace and protection of the city of Dublin might be more effectually maintained at a less expence, and that the present system of the police establishment ought to be changed. And when the speaker put the question to agree to the first resolution, the attorney-general objected. The right honourable gentleman called upon the house to agree to a report founded on evidence from partial investigation, that was ex parte garbled or selected. He was strongly rebuked by Mr. Grattan, with the indecency of imputing to a most respectable committee, after a laborious investigation, the foul charge of garbling and selecting the evidence. A violent and intemperate debate ensued, in which nothing new occurred, but the ingenuity of dressing up former arguments: both sides insisting that experience confirmed their support of or opposition to the original measure: this had ever been a favourite object with govern

* 9 Par. Deb. p. 394. This report which is singularly curious, is to be seen in the Appendix, No. LXXXII.

ment, and was vehemently supported by a majority of 132, against 78; and the report at the motion of the attorney-general was rejected. The house having by this time been nearly marshalled into their former ranks, Mr. Grattan thought it useless to divide them on the second reading of the place bill, on the 30th of April; it was negatived without a division. The only subject particularly interesting to the history of Ireland, which came before parliament during the remainder of that. session, was the subject of tithes: Mr. Grattan having presented to the house according to order, a bill to appoint commissioners for the purpose of enquiring into the state of tithes in the different provinces of that kingdom, and to report a plan for ascertaining the same: he followed up his motion with a very elaborate, instructive, and eloquent speecht upon this important national object. The house adjourned from the 8th to the 25th of May, on which day the lord lieutenant prorogued the pariiament, and made a speech of a general nature, without a word of reference to any of the extraordinary circumstances of the session.

Certain it is, that no viceroy ever enjoyed a smaller share of popularity in Ireland, than the Marquis of Buckingham. Either the natural reserve or the hauteur of his character made him personally disrelished, even by his friends and supporters. In order to raise an appearance at least of popularity, his creatures procured (not without some difficulty) an address from the county of Westmeath, in which the bulk of his lady's property lay, and which superabounds with the name of Nugent. The example, however, was not followed up by other counties. The restoration of his majesty's health instantly brought back a majority of the late deserters to their ranks. But the viceroy's refusal to transmit the address of parliament was indignantly resented by those members of any independence or principle, who had joined in it. A most determined opposition was the consequence. The imperious mind of the viceroy once more triumphant in the return of his numbers to their posts, was still exasperated that the great popular leaders, chiefs of the clans and possessors of the natural interest of the country were restive to his dictates, and knit by a common principle into a closer and more formida

*9 Par. Deb. p. 424. When this debate was over and the division settled, Mr. Conolly said the gentlemen were perfectly consistent, in supporting a ruinous and expensive system of patronage, that they themselves had insti tuted, and that they were also consistent in now endeavouring to stigmatize the men, who had brought their dark, corrupt, system to light; men, who for honour, probity, and integrity, could not be excelled in his majesty's dominions. But he desired gentlemen not to exult; their exultation would be but of a short duration, as the law complained of must, from its enormity, cre long fall to the ground.

† It may be seen in the Appendix, No. LXXXIII. 9 Par. Deb. p. 464.

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ble opposition, than he had hitherto experienced. His excellency lamented, that in spite of his avowed principles of œcono my, he was now compelled to resort to Lord Townshend's ruinous system of purchasing votes by retail, in order to break through this new combination of an Irish aristocracy. No bounds, no reserve, no decency, were kept in this new canvass for parliamentary influence: the market became overt, and the prices of boroughs, and pieces of boroughs, of votes and titles, and peerages were brought to as regular a standard, as bullion at the mint. Not a peerage, not an honour, not a place, not a pension was disposed of but immediately by government for parliamentary interest, influence, or engagements, varying by gradation from the price of a close borough to a vote upon a single question. Every place, office or emolument, that could be resumed by government, were granted out upon new terms for future services. The Duke of Leinster, Mr. G. Ponsonby, Mr. Fitzherbert and every person holding place, office, or pension at pleasure, were displaced or deprived for having joined in the address to the Prince of Wales. A creation of eight peerages took place, and numerous new appointments were made. It was objected to the Marquis of Buckingham's administration, that notwithstanding his boasted professions of œconomizing for the nation, he had encreased the pension list by 5000% per annum, that by his splitting places, reviving dormant unnecessary employments, and encreasing salaries, he had burthened the nation with the additional perpetuity of 28001 per annum, and had chiefly selected his own family connections and other strangers, some of low and mean degree, for the objects of his bounty, to the exclusion of well meaning and well qualified natives. Most certain it is, that the Marquis of Buckingham generally disliked the Irish, and was disliked by them.

The leaders of opposition had found it advisable, as has been observed, in order to consolidate their force into a common centre of union, to establish a new political society under the denomination of the Whig Club: an institution highly obnoxious to the castle: they adopted the same principles, were clad in the same uniform of blue and buff, and professedly acted in concert with the Whig Club of England. At the head of this club were the Duke of Leinster, the Earl of Charlemont, Mr. Conolly, Mr. Grattan, Mr. Forbes, both the Messieurs Ponsonby, Mr. Curran, and a number of leading members of opposition in both houses. It was a rendezvous and round of cabinet dinners for the opposition. Here were planned and arranged all the measures for attack on the ministry. Each member had his measure or his question in turn: the plans of debate and manœuvre were preconcerted, and to each was

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