tenant, in his speech from the throne, informed both houses of parliament, that his majesty had thought fit to lessen the civil list on the head of pensions, and had directed such rules to be observed as might annually abate the expence upon them. By the influx of wealth into the kingdom, arising from imports occasioned by a false credit, which had arisen after the peace in the year 1748, there was a large surplus in the treasury, which occasioned a contest in the year 1753, between the crown and the House of Commons. The ministers insisted, that the surplus could not be applied by parliament without the previous consent of his majesty, and that difference having occasioned an extraordinary prorogation of parliament, the removal from office of some of the principal men in the country, and great additional expence to the public by replacing them, for the sake of tranquillity, profusion was for a time connived at, pensions were lavishly bestowed, and the commons were still more forward than government in that political extravagance. But in 1757, they unanimously voted the increase of pensions to be a grievance, and the house with its speaker laid that, with several other strong resolutions on the subject, before the lord lieutenant, who, with whatever reluctance, was at length obliged to transmit those resolutions to be laid before his majesty. At that period, when the increase of those grants was unanimously impeached, they had amounted in the two preceding years to no greater a sum than 89481. In the following session of 1759, they had increased to 106,285% in the two years, and yet on a motion that the resolutions of the preceding session had the desired effect, with a view to give a negative to it, but twenty-five members could be found for putting that question. In the beginning of a new reign in 1761, the house was contented with an implied disapprobation by resolving, that those grants exceeded the whole charge of the rest of the civil establishment. In the following session of 1763, the national discontent on this subject became so general, that the lord lieutenant found it necessary to desire the attendance of the principal members of both houses at the castle, and there to make a solemn declaration, to a very numerous assembly of lords and commons, in his majesty's name, that pensions for years or lives should not in future be granted unless on the most extraordinary occasions. Since that period various modes of redress had been attempted by motions for addresses to the crown and for retrenchments. For some years past the present measure had been introduced, but clogged with extraneous matter, which would then be omitted. From that short history it appeared, that the increase of pensions had been condemned by government, and reprobated by the House of Commons; they had been the constant source of na#h VOL. 111. tional contention, in which it had appeared, that neither lords lieutenants, nor even the House of Commons were to be always trusted with that power. What followed then? Regulate it by law. Such a law would be a great national acquisition. When the country gentlemen should be asked by his constituents what has the country gained by the law, he would answer, " Pensions had arisen from little more than 3000l. yearly, to the enormous "amount of 103,000l. yearly. They were then limited to "80,000l. with exceptions, of which every honest man would approve. They had stopped the proud waves of prerogative, "and said, hitherto shalt thou go and no farther; they had τσ prevented the discredit of the nation by having a charge on "the people originate by a king's letter, signed by three lords "of the English treasury, persons unknown to the constitution "of Ireland. They had for ever prevented the return of that "disgraceful day, when the servants of the crown sat in sad dejection, with their eyes fixed on the ground, without a word "to say in favour of administration, except this wretched apoloแ gy, it was not done by this lord lieutenant, you cannot say that we did it. And finally, they had paid a just tribute of regard "and affection to their beloved princes of the illustrious house "" of Brunswick." He then adverted to a paper, which had been very improperly introduced into the debate, and very unjustly made the topic of the most severe animadversion. He had never seen the paper 'itself, but he had heard a copy of it read. He would inform the committee what the objects were, and what they were not. The objects were to support the only proper and constitutional mode of appointing a regent for that kingdom, and such other measures as should be the necessary consequence of that proceeding; to resist an attack intended to be made by administration against the vitals of the constitution, by letting in the third estate of another kingdom to legislate for Ireland; to resist those dangerous principles advanced by the advocates of that measure, and which were necessary to be maintained for its defence, namely, that the royal assent to Irish acts of parliament was given under the authority of the monarch of England, and not under the authority of the monarch of Ireland, and that the statute regent of England could rescind the appointment of a lord lieutenant of Ireland by the statute regent of that kingdom. The first extinguished the monarchy of Ireland, and the second enabled the regent of England to repel the force of the Irish statute. To resist those fatal innovations, to preserve the dearest rights of their sovereign by defending his great constitutional power of assenting to bills, to prevent the extinction of the crown, and to preserve the independence of the legislature of Ireland, several lords and gentlemen of the first rank and con sequence united to support the former, and to resist the latter measures, and to support such honourable men as concurred with them in that conduct, and in the defence of the constitution. Having mentioned what the objects of that paper were, he would state what they were not. They were not to oppose any government, or any chief governor; they were not to prescribe to his majesty what chief governor he should continue, or whom he should appoint or not appoint to that high office. There was no such presumption in the minds of those gentlemen. Their union was defensive: to defend the constitution. He would further declare, that it was no object of that union to obtain office, honour, or power for any man. If ever there were an honourable and constitutional engagement, that was one; if ever there were a great national party, without an atom of faction in it, that was one; and yet how unworthily had it been treated? One gentleman had called it a conspiracy against the state; another, the revival of the old aristocracy of Ireland; a third had termed it a disgrace to the kingdom, an illegal combination, and had politely put them in mind of the journeymen pinmakers, who were found guilty of a charge of that nature, and whipped at a cart's tail. Those shameful aspersions were industriously cir culated in the public prints of both kingdoms. It was not his custom to use harsh language. He would content himself with saying that it was a natural progress for those men, who strove to degrade the constitution of their country to proceed to debase and vilify the first men in it; men who would be the pride and ornament of any kingdom in Europe. In talking of the royal assent, he affirmed, that it was the undoubted right of the King of Ireland to give it by himself or his commissioners in full parlia ment; that it was also the unquestionable right of the subject to have the royal dissent given in parliament. He thought that nothing but a positive express statute could deprive the subject of that right, and he knew of no statute. There was nothing to that purpose in Chief Baron Yelverton's act; a law which did great honour to its author. In respect to passing bills it had three objects; 1st. Their passing both houses before they were transmitted; 2d. To compel the lord lieutenant and privy council to transmit them; 3d. To prevent the alteration of them any where after they had left the two houses. These three objects had been obtained for the country by a short, clear, and decisive act; and to the man, who had obtained those great constitutional improvements he thought the kingdom highly indebted. On the 14th of March the speaker and the House of Commons attended his excellency to the House of Peers, where he made the following speech to both houses. "MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, "WITH the most heartfelt satisfaction I "take the earliest opportunity to inform you, in obedience to "the king's command, that it has pleased the Divine Provi"dence to remove from him the severe indisposition, with "which he has been afflicted and that by the blessing of Al"mighty God he is now again enabled to attend to the urgent 66 concerns of his kingdoms, and personally to exercise his royal 66 authority." "GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, "I have submitted to his majesty's consideration the surplus, "which you have already granted for the immediate exigencies of "the public service, and the performance of the national engage"ments; and I am commanded by his majesty to express his “ perfect confidence in your readiness to make such further pro“ vision, as shall be necessary for the usual support of his ma"jesty's government." "MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, "I have it particularly in charge from his majesty to assure you, that the prosperity of his faithful and loyal people "of Ireland, from whom his majesty has repeatedly received "the strongest proofs of affectionate attachment to his sacred <l person, will ever be near to his heart; and that his majesty is "fully persuaded, that your zeal for the public welfare will "enable him to promote, by every wise and salutary measure, "the interests of this kingdom. "I cannot conclude this communication to you without expressing my fullest conviction, that his majesty's faithful par"liament of Ireland does not yield to any of his subjects in "sincere and devout acknowledgments to Almighty God, for "the restoration of his majesty's health, and in fervent prayers, "that a long continuance of that blessing may secure to "his people the happiness, which they have constantly enjoyed under his majesty's mild and auspicious govern"ment." Mr. Grattan having expressed his most heartfelt satisfaction in the joyful tidings of the happy recovery of their beloved sovereign, congratulated the house; that the speech from the throne was so worded, and the address so properly moved and seconded as to call for the most cordial unanimity. It was accordingly resolved, that the speaker of the house should attend his excellency with the address* to be laid before his majesty. 9 Parl. Deb. p. 318. "To the KING's Most Excellent MAJESTY. "The humble Address of the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses in Parli"ment assembled. When Mr. Connolly on the 20th of March communicated to the House of Commons his royal highness's answer to the address of both houses of parliament, Lord Henry Fitzgerald moved, that an address of thanks should be presented to his royal highness for his gracious answer; to which the attorney general objected, as a measure unprecedented: but it having been urged by the whole house, he explained, that he was ever tenacious of the forms of the house; and no man more anxious than himself to testify his respect to the prince. It was carried unanimously. On the next day Lord Henry Fitzgerald reported from the committee appointed to draw up the address of thanks to the Prince of Wales for his gracious answer, that they had drawn up an* address accordingly. "MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN, "We your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the "commons of Ireland, in parliament assembled, beg leave to lay before your "majesty our assurances of the sincere and cordial satisfaction, with which "we are penetrated on being informed from the throne, by your majesty's command, that it has pleased the Divine Providence to remove from your "majesty the severe indisposition with which you have been afficted, and "that by the blessing of Almighty God you are now again enabled to attend "to the urgent concerns of your kingdoms, and personally to exereise your "royal authority. "We assure your majesty, that we shall justify the confidence you en"tertain, that we shall cheerfully proceed in making such provision as "may be necessary for the honourable support of your mnjesty's govern "ment. "We should be dead to every generous feeling, should we omit to acknow"ledge your majesty's unceasing solicitude for the interests of Ireland, or to "second, by every salutary effort your benevolent wishes for the welfare of your people. "The numerous blessings derived to this kingdom from your majesty's au"spicious reign, are deeply imprinted in our bosoms, and sensible as we are "of the inestimable value of these benefits, we beg leave to repeat to your "majesty upon this joyful occasion, our most sincere professions of respect "and attachment to your royal person, family, and government. "We conclude these our fervent congratulations with devout acknowledg"ments to the Almighty for this signal instance of his goodness, in restoring "our beloved monarch to the prayers of an afflicted people and our gratitude "for such a mark of the divine favour; is only equalled by the ardency "of our wishes for the continuance of your majesty's health, and that your majesty may enjoy that invaluable blessing during a long and happy reign." "To His Royal Highness GEORGE, Prince of WALES. "The humble Address of the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, in Parlia"ment assembled. "MAY IT PLEASE YOUR ROYAL HIGHNESS, We, his majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the commons of Ireland in parliament assembled, beg leave to offer to your "royal highness our warmest thanks for your answer to our address. "With hearts overflowing with the liveliest joy, we congratulate with your royal highness upon the happy event of the king's recovery, and the consequent reassumption of the exercise of his auspicious government; an event highly pleasing to the subjects of the whole empire, but peculiarly 64 |