"mission, to submit to your consideration the outlines of the "plan, which his majesty's confidential servants humbly con"ceive (according to the best judgment which they are able to "form) to be proper to be proposed in the present circum

❝stances.

"It is their humble opinion, that your royal highness should "be empowered to exercise the royal authority in the name and "on the behalf of his majesty, during his majesty's illness, and "to do all acts which might legally be done by his majesty; "with provisions, nevertheless, that the care of his majesty's "royal person, and the management of his majesty's household, " and the direction and appointment of the officers and servants "therein should be in the queen under such regulations, as แ may be thought necessary. That the power to be exercised by your royal highness should not extend to the granting the "real or personal property of the king (except as far as relates "to the renewal of leases), to the granting any office in rever"sion, or to the granting, for any other term than during his "majesty's pleasure, any pension, or any office whatever, except "such as must by law be granted for life, or during good beha"viour; nor to the granting any rank or dignity of the peerage "of this realm to any person, except his majesty's issue, who "shall have attained the age of 21 years.

"These are the chief points, which have occurred to his majesty's servants. I beg leave to add, that their ideas are "formed on the supposition, that his majesty's illness is only "temporary, and may be of no long duration. It may be diffi "cult to fix before hand, the precise period, for which these pro"visions ought to last; but if unfortunately his majesty's recove ry should be protracted to a more distant period, than there is reason at present to imagine, it will be open hereafter to the "wisdom of parliament, to reconsider these provisions when66 ever the circumstances appear to call for it.

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"If your royal highness should be pleased to require any "farther explanation on the subject, and should condescend to signify your orders, that I should have the honour of attend"ing your royal highness for that purpose, or to intimate any "other mode, in which your royal highness may wish to receive *"such explanation, I shall respectfully wait your royal high"ness's commands.

"I have the honour to be,

"With the utmost deference and submission,

“SIR,

"Your royal highness's

"Most dutiful and devoted servant,

Downing-street, Tuesday night,

December 30, 1788,

"W. PITT."

To this letter his royal highness wrote the following answer, which he delivered to the lord chancellor, January 1, 1789.

"The Prince of Wales learns from Mr. Pitt's letter, that the "proceedings in parliament are now in a train, which enables "Mr. Pitt, according to the intimation in his former letter, to "communicate to the prince the outlines of the plan, which his "majesty's confidential servants conceive to be proper to be proposed in the present circumstances.

"Concerning the steps already taken by Mr. Pitt, the Prince "is silent. Nothing done by the two houses of parliament can "be a proper subject of his animadversion; but when, previ"ously to any discussion in parliament, the outlines of a scheme "of government are sent for his consideration, in which it is pro"posed, that he shall be personally and principally concerned, "and by which the royal authority, and the public welfare may "be deeply affected, the Prince would be unjustifiable, were he "to withhold an explicit declaration of his sentiments. His si"lence might be construed into a previous approbation of a plan, the accomplishment of which every motive of duty to "his father and sovereign, as well as of regard for the public "interest, obliges him to consider as injurious to both.

"In the state of deep distress, in which the Prince and the "whole royal family were involved by the heavy calamity, "which has fallen upon the king, and at a moment when go"vernment deprived of its chief energy and support, seemed "peculiarly to need the cordial and united aid of all descrip"tions of good subjects, it was not expected by the Prince, that a plan should be offered to his consideration, by which go"vernment was to be rendered difficult, if not impracticable, in "the hands of any person intended to represent the king's authority, much less in the hands of his eldest son, the heir apparent of his kingdoms, and the person most bound to the "maintenance of his majesty's just prerogatives and authority, "as well as most interested in the happiness, the prosperity, and "the glory of the people.

"The Prince forbears to remark on the several parts of the "sketch of the plan laid before him; he apprehends it must "have been formed with sufficient deliberation to preclude the "probability of any argument of his producing an alteration of "sentiment in the projectors of it. But he trusts, with confi"dence, to the wisdom and justice of parliament, when the "whole of this subject, and the circumstances connected with &6 it, shall come under their deliberation.

"He observes, therefore, only generally on the heads com"municated by Mr. Pitt, and it is with deep regret the Prince "makes the observation, that he sees in the contents of that pa66 per, a project for producing weakness, disorder, and insecu

"rity in every branch of the administration of affairs. A project for dividing the royal family from each other, for sepa"rating the court from the state; and therefore, by disjoining government from its natural and accustomed support, a "scheme for disconnecting the authority to command service, "from the power of animating it by reward; and for allotting "to the Prince all the invidious duties of government, without "the means of softening them to the public by any one act of 66 grace, favour or benignity.

"The Prince's feelings on contemplating this plan are also "rendered still more painful to him by observing, that it is not "founded on any general principle, but is calculated to infuse jealousies and suspicions (wholly groundless he trusts) in that "quarter, whose confidence it will ever be the first pride of his "life to merit and obtain.

"With regard to the motive and object of the limitations and "restrictions proposed, the Prince can have but little to observe. "No light or information is offered him by his majesty's mi"nisters on these points. They have informed him what the 86 powers are, which they mean to refuse him, not why they are "withheld.

"The Prince, however, holding as he does, that it is an un"doubted and fundamental principle of this constitution, that "the powers and prerogatives of the crown are vested there, as a trust for the benefit of the people; and that they are sacred "only, as they are necessary to the preservation of that poise "and balance of the constitution, which experience has proved "to be the true security of the liberty of the subject, must be al"lowed to observe, that the plea of public utility ought to be "strong, manifest, and urgent, which calls for the extinction or "suspension of any one of those essential rights in the supreme power or its representative; or which can justify the Prince "in consenting, that in his person an experiment shall be made, "to ascertain with how small a portion of the kingly power "the executive government of this country may be carried on. "The Prince has only to add, that if security for his majes "ty's repossessing his rightful government, whenever it shall please Providence, in bounty to the country, to remove the 66 calamity with which he is afflicted, be any part of the object "of this plan, the Prince has only to be convinced, that any measure is necessary, or even conducive to that end, to be the "first to urge it, as the preliminary and paramount considera"tion of any settlement, in which he would consent to share.

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"If attention to what is presumed might be his majesty's "feelings and wishes on the happy day of his recovery, be the "object, it is with the truest sincerity the Prince expresses his "firm conviction, that no event would be more repugnant to

"the feelings of his royal father, than the knowledge, that the "government of his son and representative had exhibited the sovereign power of the realm in a state of degradation, of "curtailed authority and diminished energy; a state, hurtful in "practice to the prosperity and good government of his people, "and injurious in its precedent to the security of the monarch, "and the rights of his family.

"Upon that part of the plan, which regards the king's real "and personal property, the Prince feels himself compelled "to remark, that it was not necessary for Mr. Pitt, nor proper "to suggest to the Prince, the restraint he proposes against the "Prince's granting away the king's real and personal property. "The Prince does not conceive, that, during the king's life, "he is by law entitled to make any such grant; and he is sure, "that he has never shewn the smallest inclination to possess 66 any such power. But it remains with Mr. Pitt to consider "the eventual interests of the royal family, and to provide a 66 proper and natural security against the mismanagement of "them by others.

"The Prince has discharged an indispensable duty, in thus "giving his free opinion on the plan submitted to his con"sideration.

"His conviction of the evils, which may arise to the king's "interests, to the peace and happiness of the royal family, and "to the safety and welfare of the nation, from the government "of the country remaining longer in its present maimed and "debilitated state, outweighs in the Prince's mind every other "consideration, and will determine him to undertake the pain"ful trust imposed upon him by the present melancholy neces"sity (which of all the king's subjects he deplores the most) "in full confidence, that the affection and loyalty to the king, "the experienced attachment to the House of Brunswick, and "the generosity which has always distinguished this nation, "will carry him through the many difficulties, inseparable from "this most critical situation, with comfort to himself, with "honour to the king, and with advantage to the public. Carleton House, Jan. 2d, 1789. (Signed) G. P."

On the 6th of January Mr. Pitt having given notice, that he should on that day propose to the house the restrictions, within which the exercise of the regal power should be granted to the regent, Mr. Loveden, the member for Abingdon, rose as soon as the order of the day was moved, and observed, that before the house proceeded to settle the terms of the regency, he conceived that they ought to know exactly the present state of his majesty's health, what the degree of alteration, which it had undergone since his majesty's physicians were last examined. This was the more necessary, as reports had gone abroad

of a very contradictory kind, and the authority of the different physicians who attended his majesty had been made use of to give sanction to those reports. He therefore moved, "That the phy"sicians, who had attended his majesty should be again examined, "to inform the house whether any alteration or amendment had "taken place in the state of the king's health, and if the present symptoms were such, as to give reason to hope for his majes"ty's speedy recovery."

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This motion gave rise to a warm debate, which was managed not with the most perfect temper and moderation on either side of the house. After much altercation it was agreed, that a new committee should be appointed, and that the physicians should be examined.

The committee sat till the 13th of January, when the report was brought up, ordered to be printed, and to be taken into consideration in a committee of the whole house on the state of the nation upon the 16th of January, 1789.

On that day Mr. Pitt, after expressing his satisfaction at having consented to the motion for re-examining the physicians, the event of which had justified his former opinion respecting the probability of his majesty's recovery, proceeded to open the business, which was then to be the subject of their deliberations. The subject divided itself into three distinct heads: 1st, The nature of the king's illness. 2dly, The principles, upon which the two houses were authorized to act on this occa sion. And 3dly, The application of those principles to the measures, which he should propose for remedying the present defect in the personal exercise of the royal authority.

It had been determined, that the right to provide for the deficiency in the executive government devolved on the two houses of parliament; but there was abundant reason to hope, that the occasion would be temporary and short. What they had to provide for, therefore, was no more than an interval, and if unfortunately, his majesty's illness should be protracted, they might leave it to parliament to do what at present was clearly unnecessary; to consider of a more permanent plan of government. They were to provide only for the present necessity, and not to exceed it; they were also to provide against any embarrassment in the resumption of the royal authority, whenever God, in his providence, should enable the rightful holder again to exercise it. They were therefore to grant such powers, and none other, as were requisite to carry on the government of the country with energy and effect.

Upon these principles he should propose to invest the Prince of Wales with the whole royal authority, to be exercised in the name and on the behalf of the king, subject to such limitations and restrictions only as should be provided. He observed in