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"it is a connection of distinct minds and distinct interests, "generating national discontent and jealousy, and perpetuating "faction and misgovernment in the inferior country. The "first obvious disadvantage to Ireland is, that in every depart66 ment of the state, every other consideration must yield to parliamentary power; let the misconduct of any public officer "be what it may, if he is supported by a powerful parliamentary "interest, he is too strong for the king's representative. A "majority in the parliament of Great Britain will defeat the "minister of the day; but a majority of the parliament of "Ireland against the king's government, goes directly to separate "this kingdom from the British crown. If it continues, separa"tion or war is the inevitable issue; and therefore it is, that "the general executive of the empire, as far as is essential to retain Ireland as a member of it, is completely at the mercy "of the Irish parliament; and it is vain to expect, so long as man continues to be a creature of passion and interest, that "he will not avail himself of the critical and difficult situation, "in which the executive government of this kingdom must

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ever remain, under its present constitution, to demand the "favours of the crown, not as the reward of loyalty and service, "but as the stipulated price, to be paid in advance, for the "discharge of a public duty. Every unprincipled and noisy "adventurer, who can achieve the means of putting himself "forward, commences his political carcer on an avowed specula"tion of profit and loss; and if he fail to negotiate his political "job, will endeavour to extort it by faction and sedition, and "with unblushing effrontery to fasten his own corruption on "the king's ministers. English influence is the inexhaustible "theme for popular irritation and distrust of every factious and "discontented man, who fails in the struggle to make himself "the necessary instrument of it. Am I then justified in stating, "that our present connection with Great Britain, is in its nature "formed for mutual debility; that it must continue to generate "national discontent and jealousy, and perpetuate faction and "misgovernment in Ireland."*

*This avowal of the necessary continuance of national discontent, jealousy faction, and misgovernment in Ireland, from that noble lord, who bore so preeminent a share in the government of that country, at once stamps the quality of those majorities in parliament, which he so long triumphantly led, and fatally proves, that a most powerful argument for the union was to be drawn from the inveterate corruption of the Irish government. This argument in favour of the union might have been urged by any member of the Irish parliament more graciously, by none more forcibly, than by the Earl of Clare. As that nobleman has now paid the debt of nature, and as he bore the principal part in bringing about the union of his country with Great Britain it is no slight duty of the historian to lay before the reader his real character: the motives of his conduct may be collected, if at all, from his own avowals. He was one of the most eminent and successful lawyers, that ever adorned the

If credit be given, as it ought, to the truth of what Lord Clare has further asserted, of the political state of Ireland at that period, we shall find, that the Irish nation then was, and that it was impossible that it should not be, an aggrieved and discontented people. It was, said he, a fact of public notoriety, that on the acknowledgment of Irish independence in 1782, the first step taken by some gentlemen of that country, who had been in the habit of considering the Irish nation as their political inheritance, was to make it a muniment of their title, by forming a political confederacy, offensive and defensive in both countries. The basis of that alliance was, mutual engagement to play the independence of Ireland against their political antagonists whenever they happened to occupy the seat of power; and, if he were to judge by the conduct of the parties principally concerned up to that hour, to foment turbulence and faction in Ireland even to open rebellion, if it should be found necessary to the removal of an obnoxious British administration. In prosecution of that very laudable system, it became an essential object of the confederacy to guard against any settlement between Great Britain and Ireland, which might cut off the most obvious sources of mutual jealousy and discontent.

Whilst there exists the semblance of a parliament in a country, which is at all, however unequally, divided, the bulk of the people naturally will side with one party or the other: and if according to this nobleman, as long as man continues to be a creature of passion and interest, the majority of parliament be to consist of those, who receive the favour of the crown, not as the reward of loyalty and service, but as the stipulated price to

Irish bar: he came early into parliament, and having succeeded to a very ample patrimony, the extraordinary perquisites of his profession rendered him one of the most independent members of the House of Commons. From the moment of his appointment to be attorney general in the administration of the Duke of Portland, 1782, he was to the hour of his death most devotedly and uniformly attached to the interests and influence of the British cabinet. He was singularly gifted by nature to succeed in the elevated stations of attorney general and chancellor, in which he successively moved. His professional talents and knowledge were inferior to none at the bar; and his personal intrepidity, spirited exertions, and unwearied zeal in supporting the cause he had undertaken, were superior to those of any other political character in the nation. He rather spurned, than courted popularity. He was the first Irishman, to whom the British cabinet had entrusted the great seal, and is universally allowed to have performed the functions of that important office with infinitely more ability and effect than any of his predecessors on that bench. He was an excellent landlord. But as a public political character he was very unpopular. He was the promoter of all the strong measures of government, which created so much discontent at different periods throughout the nation: he never favoured, and latterly was the principal agent in suppressing the volunteers; he determinately opposed the enlargement of the indulgencies to the Catholics, and uniformly supported every measure of the British cabinet, which either did or was supposed to encroach upon the liberty and welfare of his country. In parliament he was always assiduous and powerful, frequently sarcastic and

be paid in advance for the discharge of public duty, it neces sarily follows, that the bulk of those, whom the rays of royal favour do not reach, must be in opposition to those stipendiary servants of the crown, who were necessary to keep up that system of English influence upon Irish government, to which such terrible effects were necessarily annexed. Nothing therefore could be more true, than that the whole Irish people (except those who received emolument through the revenue, police, or other departments of government,) were unexceptionably discontented at the system of government, then carrying forward. Nay, the very part of the new viceroy's conduct, which was most laudable, at this time swelled the stream of discontent. His economical vigilance upon the application of public revenue, and his determination to reform the abuses in the several departments, had raised against him the whole host of fiscal dependants throughout the nation. It may indeed easily be imagined with what zealous energy they laboured to thwart the views and render the character of the lord lieutenant unpopular. In the metropolis the citizens were meeting by deputies. from each parish to prepare petitions against the police bill; and by way of reviving the spirit of liberty, which they conceived the late strong measures of government were aimed at extinguishing, the corporation of Dublin took an opportunity of presenting a formal request to the provost and fellows of the university, in grateful remembrance of that disinterested patriot the late Dr. Lucas, to give a gratuitous education to his son ; to whom the provost and fellows most liberally granted an apartment and commons in college, without any expence to his family.

On the 17th of January, 1788, the Marquis of Buckingham met the parliament for the first time: in his speech from the throne he condoled with them upon the loss his majesty's service had sustained by the death of the Duke of Rutland, whose public and private virtues had deservedly conciliated the esteem of that kingdom; and he called upon them to take part in the satisfaction, which his majesty felt in the situation of foreign affairs, particularly in the restoration of the constitution and tranquillity of the united provinces by the co-operation of his majesty and the King of Prussia, under the conduct of the Duke of Brunswick. When the address had been moved for and seconded, Mr. Parsons objected to it, because in speaking of the Duke of Rutland's administration, it seemed entirely

heated, and sometimes arrogant and overbearing. In private he was warm in his attachments, and unrelenting in his enmities. In his complacencies he was engaging, often fastidious in his deportment, and in his domestic habits convivial and luxurious.

to approve of it, and to bind the house to pursue the same measures, which that administration had done. He owned he was not at the moment prepared to enter into a subject of so much importance, but there were some points so notoriously disagreeable, and so highly injurious to the country, that he could not for a moment suppose the house would adopt any measure, which would look like an approbation of them, much" less would it pledge itself to retain all the measures of the Duke of Rutland's administration. He trusted the house would not now approve the act, by which the press in Ireland was laid under a degree of restraint unknown in England; he well knew, that under certain circumstances, very dissimilar laws might be found necessary in the two countries, but the great fundamental principles of law ought to be the same in both; and therefore he hoped under the present administration to see the press liberated from the shackles, which the last had imposed: he also hoped to see the unconstitutional exercise of attachments discontinued; the present administration he trusted would feel no necessity for such a guard. He also hoped a general police and riot act would be no longer deemed necessary; and therefore, if gentlemen meant to do away these abominations, he could see no necessity for pledging themselves to, or for approving of them they were all acts, which tended to increase prerogative, and diminish liberty, and the address as it stood embraced them all. He observed, that throughout the whole speech, and the whole address, the word economy was no where to be found; he asked, therefore, did the present ministry mean to continue the same system of extravagance, by which the last had loaded the country with taxes? or did they mean to retrench? If the latter, why not declare it? The expences of the country were enormous, and exceeded those of Lord Carlisle's administration, which was deemed sufficiently profuse, by a sum of not less than 660,000% per annum; he again desired to know, was the profusion to be continued? There was no promise to the contrary in the speech; and therefore every man must infer it was; though it would be somewhat strange, after all the examination which had been made into the public offices, and which the nation supposed was for the purpose of retrench

ment.

Several gentlemen of the opposition, out of tenderness to the character of the late Duke of Rutland, who was personally beloved, prevailed on Mr. Parsons to withdraw his motion, conceiving that the address did not commit them to the approbation of the measures of his administration. Mr. Parsons, however, on the next evening, when the address was moved, still persisted, that the amendment he had to propose, so far

from casting blame upon the late Duke of Rutland, was the most favourable comment upon his administration, by laying the defects of it at the door of his ministers, who really were guilty.

He accordingly moved the following amendment, by expunging the words, the wise and steady course of his public administration, had established the public tranquillity and exalted the credit of the nation; and inserting in the room thereof the following: "at the same time, our regard to truth, and to the "real interests of his majesty and his loyal people of Ireland, "which will not suffer us to convey an imperfect representation "of the state of this kingdom to his royal mind, compel us to "declare, that notwithstanding the good disposition, which we แ are willing to believe our late lamented chief governor had for "the prosperity of this island, yet, through the misguidance "of his counsellors, this kingdom during his administration, "has been afflicted with a most burthensome encrease of taxa❝tion, and with several grievous and severe acts, repugnant to "the principles of our wise constitution, and injurious to the "liberties of his majesty's subjects of this realm." This amendment was rejected without opposition.*

Early in the session, the secretary of state called the attention of the house to a subject of the highest importance to the peace and tranquillity of the kingdom, and which had been strongly recommended from the throne; he meant the security of the established church. He reminded the house, that he had in the last session introduced a bill to protect the rights of the clergy, that had been wrested from them by force or fraud. He was sorry, that the bill, though founded in lenity, had fallen short of its intent. Although the outrages of the south had somewhat abated, yet a spirit of combination against the payment of tithes still existed, and notices signed by Captain Right were in circulation, enjoining all persons, under the severest penalties, not to pay tithe for the year 1787. If in 1787, there existed a necessity for such an act to enforce compensation to the clergy for tithes withholden up to that time; the necessity was now become much stronger by the extension of the combination against the clergy; many of whom in the south were now reduced to beggary. He concluded by observing, that the present dispute did not lie between the farmers and the clergy, but between the legislature and a lawless rabble. He then moved, "that leave be given to bring in a bill to enable all ecclesiastical persons and bodies, rectors, vicars, and curates, and impropriators, and those deriving by, from, or under them, to recover a just compensation for the tithes withheld from them in the year 1787, in the several counties and counties of cities therein

8 Par. Deb. p. 13.